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Month: April 2022

Why ESG Ratings Are like Netflix’s Inventing Anna

The Netflix series Inventing Anna has captivated audiences, given the bewildering tale of a young woman posing as a German heiress with lofty aspirations for opening an arts club in her name. The hit series spans the scam that was Anna Sorokin, aka Anna Delvey, who swindled her way to socialite status and gained notoriety after a 2018 exposé article attracted the attention of famed producer Shonda Rimes.

As depicted in the series, Anna sought out investors for her creative venture, positioning herself as a sound, albeit elusive, asset. And although evidence of her wealth was uncertain, her supporters chose to ignore the obvious red flags given her convincing disposition, and the fact that no one had yet called out her bluff  (much like a modern day rendition of the Emperor’s New Clothes).

With this in mind, it is interesting to note how Anna’s story parallels ESG ratings which have also been poised to attract affluent asset managers for the likes which go beyondsound money matters and into a realm of uncertainty and obscurity

And, like with Anna, only time will tell if the claims being made will provide any substantial returns. So, in the meantime, let’s explore the areas of commonality and thewarning signs being sidelined.

What is ESG anyway?

Like Anna’s accent, the term ESG sounds unusual and is sometimes hard to understand let alone knowing from whence it came.  

In a nutshell, ESG assesses the performance of firms based on environmental, social, and governance matters. The E pillar takes into consideration the environmental impact of the firm (such as carbon emissions) as well as investments related to the protection or development of natural capital (such as promoting biodiversity). The G pillar stands for governance, and often focuses on the quality and effectiveness of board members (for instance, encouraging diversity representation and ensuring accountable decision-making). As for the S pillar, this pertains to the social aspect of a firm both internally (i.e. supporting employee rights like parental leave) and externally (i.e. getting involved with social concerns like abortion policy).

Although it may go without saying, these broad pillars do not always easily align – making assessments and integration complex and messy. Nevertheless, this acronym has become the darling of Wall Street, and is funneling funding streams due to both social pressure andpolicy changes.

ESG has replaced earlier concepts like the TBL (which stands for the triple bottom line, represented by people, planet, profit) and while TBL focused on ethical business operations and resource efficiencies, ESG places the economics of business as taking a backseat to climate concerns, social justice campaigns and C-suite dealings.

ESG has taken the stakeholder model to another dimension and since it is still fairly new to the investment sector, true implications have yet to be seen. 

It was in 2006 when ESG first garnered global attention and this was in large part due to the United Nations Principles for Responsible Investment (PRI) report, which called upon firms to incorporate ESG as part of their financial valuation. 

The PRI leveraged a 2005 study, titled ‘Who Cares Wins’, which made the business case for sustainability and called on capital markets to finance social initiatives. And this study was a direct response to the charge put forth by the UN Secretary-General at that time, Kofi Annan, for the financial sector to do more for the global good.

Accordingly, financial institutions have been backing ESG at an accelerating pace given the proclamations from international institutions for it being the “right thing to do.” And this falls in line with Anna’s statement that “People give money for all sorts of reasons – guilt and love are two of the biggest” – and in this case, the guilt is paying off. As for Anna, she played both hands to garner financial backing for her luxurious lifestyle.

Fake to make it.

Just as Anna’s fashionable attire cloaked her true self, so too do organizations leverageethical labels and social campaigns for promoting good works. In fact, according to an ESG 2021 global survey, a main motivation for ESG investing was brand-based — whereas companies wanted to establish a positive image by aligning themselves with popular values.

According to Jeff Dangremond, as featured in the ESG Decoded Podcast, banks are highly concerned about their reputational risk, which is why the interest in ESG is so great. 

The “S” factor, in particular, gained prominence over the past two years as the pressures for DEI (diversity, equity, and inclusion) continue to mount. Difficulties in establishing metricsand tracking social outcomes, however, make opportunities for public relations campaigns hard to come by; and since governance concerns are usually not preferred as a means for promotion, the environment is often the most widely featured aspect of ESG.

The “E” pillar is favored by both policy pundits and marketing mavens wishing to appease an environmentally conscious consumer base, and while some firms are truly environmentally concerned, others simply know how to play the part. Take for example, how British Petroleum (one of the world’s largest oil corporations) in conjunction withOgilvy & Mather (one of the world’s most successful marketing and communications firms) established the concept of a carbon footprint. For the Beyond Petroleum marketing campaign, BP featured a carbon footprint calculator on its website to call out theaccountability of its audience rather than itself.

The aim of the campaign was to rebrand BP as a proponent for environmental stewardship and, for a time, this rebranding worked. BP received accolades from Fortune’s annual corporate accountability rating by obtaining first place in 2004, 2005, and 2007, along with second place in 2006. Needless to say the 2010 oil spill put an end to its stellar sustainability status. And yet, despite the mess BP made, much like the trouble Anna got tangled up in for her deceptive acts, BP is back for a second go with a target neutral emissions mission campaign. 

BP has therefore refreshed its ESG performance, and only time will tell if these ratings serve as a better metric than Fortune’s business responsibility rankings

As for Anna, another go in the spotlight also seems to be on the horizon as talks for a docuseries develop.

Read the full article here

C’EST LE MOMENT DE REPENSER NOTRE POLITIQUE ÉNERGÉTIQUE

La guerre en Ukraine montre à quel point les politiques de certains pays européens se sont basés sur des solutions de facilité, au prix de leur dépendance énergétique. La transition écologique ne résoudra pas tout : de nouveaux partenariats doivent être trouvés.

En politique étrangère, les gouvernements devraient toujours s’efforcer d’argumenter à partir d’une position de force. La guerre actuelle en Ukraine, causée par l’invasion russe, a mis en évidence le manque de force de l’Europe. Je ne parle pas nécessairement de la force militaire – combien de chars ou de fusées nos armées détiennent, même si cela peut malheureusement jouer un rôle à un moment donné –, mais de la force de prendre des décisions indépendamment de la nécessité économique.

A quoi sert le commerce ?

Le commerce est un bien mondial. Il induit notre volonté de coopérer pacifiquement, et il enrichit aussi bien les pays qui ont une balance des échanges excédentaire que ceux qui sont déficitaires sur ce plan. Lorsqu’une nation enfreint le principe d’échange pacifique et coopératif, il est opportun et judicieux de restreindre les flux commerciaux.

Si cela entraîne une perturbation importante de certaines des industries les plus essentielles, comme c’est le cas pour l’importation de combustibles fossiles en provenance de Russie, cela montre que l’Europe s’est trop reposée sur le commerce avec un partenaire indigne de confiance.

Il y a beaucoup d’apologistes du président russe Vladimir Poutine sur internet qui tentent de justifier les atrocités commises par son régime. Et pourtant, même ces apologistes savent pertinemment que Moscou utilise ses exportations de gaz naturel et de pétrole comme d’une arme politique contre ses partenaires commerciaux.

« Le chancelier allemand Olaf Scholz a pris l’ordre d’arrêter le processus de certification du gazoduc Nord Stream 2. Eh bien. Bienvenue dans le meilleur des mondes où les Européens vont très bientôt payer 2 000 € pour 1 000 mètres cubes de gaz naturel ! », a ainsi tweeté le président du Conseil de sécurité russe et ancien premier ministre, Dmitri Medvedev.

Le prix d’une politique

Cependant, il est essentiel que l’Europe ne puisse pas être soumise au chantage de régimes autoritaires tels que la Russie. Lorsque Valéry Giscard d’Estaing a mis en œuvre le virage français vers l’énergie nucléaire dans les années 1970, il l’a fait non pas pour réduire les émissions de dioxyde de carbone (même si cela a été un effet secondaire positif), mais pour garantir l’indépendance énergétique de la France.

Alors que la France est en mesure de présenter une énergie abordable et une empreinte carbone réduite, l’abandon progressif de l’énergie nucléaire en Allemagne a entraîné les prix de l’électricité les plus élevés du monde développé. Le passage aux énergies renouvelables n’a pas été un succès, car l’énergie éolienne et l’énergie solaire ne seront jamais des solutions 24 heures sur 24 et 7 jours sur 7 pour le réseau énergétique du pays.

Dans certains pays, comme la Belgique et les Pays-Bas, même les écologistes ont accepté cette réalité et étendu la durée de fonctionnement des centrales nucléaires.

Le consensus politique sur le Green Deal européen est rompu. Les centrales au charbon sont réactivées ou étendues, et les pays cherchent leurs propres réserves de gaz naturel. Qui sait, peut-être même que le gaz de schiste sera sur la table.

A long terme, l’Europe doit renforcer sa position auprès de ses principaux partenaires stratégiques. Les importations de GNL en provenance des États-Unis et du Canada nécessitent des infrastructures stratégiques, pour lesquelles seule l’Espagne est actuellement véritablement préparée. Les nouvelles centrales nucléaires ont besoin de temps pour leur construction – en France, les six EPR qui ont été confirmé, en plus de Flamanville, pourraient être mis en service en 2035, si tout se déroule idéalement. Le credo devrait être : plus tôt que tard.

Se rapprocher d’anciens partenaires, et en trouver de nouveaux

La guerre de la Russie contre l’Ukraine offre à l’UE l’occasion de rechercher une relation plus productive avec les nations africaines, une relation qui profitera aux deux parties. L’Ukraine a récemment décidé d’interdire les exportations de blé, et le régime de sanctions contre la Russie a un impact considérable sur le commerce à travers le continent européen.

Cela dit, la crise actuelle n’est pas seulement l’occasion d’accroître les exportations de denrées alimentaires et de négocier des exemptions aux nouveaux droits de douane, mais aussi de faire connaître l’Afrique comme une alternative au gaz naturel russe. L’Algérie fournit environ 11% des besoins en gaz de l’Europe et a déclaré qu’elle pouvait augmenter sa production de près de 50% grâce au gazoduc TransMed existant.

Le ministre italien des Affaires étrangères, Luigi di Maio, qui est en mission d’enquête pour trouver des alternatives au gaz naturel russe, a récemment visité le pays. Pendant des années, pour les nations européennes, acheter son gaz à Gazprom a été plus facile pour une raison importante : le gaz russe est moins cher. Désormais, ce pourrait ne plus être le cas.

De plus, si l’Algérie, la Tunisie, l’Égypte et la Libye sont des acteurs importants, l’Afrique subsaharienne verra également son rôle géostratégique s’améliorer.

Le Nigeria, le Mozambique et le Sénégal ont fait pression par le passé pour obtenir une aide financière européenne afin de développer et d’exploiter leurs réserves de gaz naturel. Ils sont désormais dans une position unique pour faire entendre leur voix à Bruxelles.

La Tanzanie, qui, l’année dernière encore, tentait de débloquer des investissements étrangers dans son développement gazier, est plus susceptible que jamais d’accéder au marché du GNL (gaz naturel liquéfié), car l’Europe mise de plus en plus sur les expéditions de GNL du monde entier. Le Ghana, un autre acteur qui, au cours des dix dernières années, a connu une augmentation significative de ses besoins en gaz, est maintenant sur le point de faire partie du club des exportateurs d’énergie.

Quelle que soit l’issue de la guerre, les relations de l’UE avec la Russie vont être mises à mal pour des années, voire des décennies, à venir. C’est l’occasion pour les acteurs africains d’intervenir, de formuler des exigences et d’imposer des pratiques commerciales équitables.

L’Europe doit définir ses priorités. L’utopie écologiste dans laquelle installer des panneaux solaires permettront même aux plus petites nations d’être indépendantes et neutres en carbone s’est heurtée au dur mur de la réalité. Tandis que la transition énergétique de l’Allemagne n’a pas seulement nui à ses consommateurs, elle a aussi financé la machine de guerre russe.

Ceux qui croient à la force par le pouvoir doivent prendre des mesures audacieuses pour créer un avenir où l’Europe ne sera pas laissée de côté, ni roulée dessus.

Originally published here

The War in Ukraine is a Slap in the Face of the Green Agenda

On the 24th of February, Russia started an unprovoked full-scale war against Ukraine. As Ukrainians are dying on the battlefield, the petrol prices bring a sense of war to every household globally. On the 8th of March, the U.S. recorded the highest fuel price per gallon of $4.17. European consumers also brace for further increases.

The war in Ukraine has changed policy priorities. The comforts and privileges of the pre-war time, when we could afford to spend countless hours discussing climate change, are gone. Now we have to deal with tangible crises, with the risk of global hunger being the greatest.

Ukraine and Russia are top global exporters of wheat, grain, and various nutrients. Russia, for example, accounts for 6 percent of the U.S.’s potassium imports – second only to Canada. Belarus, now on the brink of new sanctions, also contributes 6 percent. While the U.S. will probably manage to substitute these imports quickly, the search costs and high fuel prices alone will toll food production.

Globally, things look even grimmer. According to the United Nations, the disruption caused by the war could push international food prices by a staggering 22 percent. Food insecurity and malnutrition in the world’s poorest countries will consequently also be on the rise. The Center for Global Development has found that the price spike in food and energy will push over 40 million into poverty.

The war has served as a wake-up call for the EU, heavily dependent on Ukraine’s grain and Russia’s fertilizer imports. Europe has now realized that it can no longer afford its green agriculture plans, once so passionately advocated for. The Farm to Fork (F2F) strategy ambitiously sought to cut the use of pesticides in the EU by 50 percent while increasing organic farming production from 7.5 percent to 25 percent. 

Ferociously endorsed by green groups, the strategy was also highly costly and hardly climate-friendly. As the world cripples with limited resources, organic farming requires more farmland. To drastically reduce the use of pesticides – without giving farmers an alternative – would be a final nail in the coffin of European food production. Farmers’ associations understandably protested, but that wasn’t enough to make European policymakers change their minds.

The EU’s green agriculture strategy was so expensive that, according to the U.S. Department of Agriculture, its impact “would stretch beyond the EU, driving up worldwide food prices by 9 (EU only adoption) to 89 percent (global adoption).” The said study found that F2F would reduce “agricultural production by 7 to 12%  and diminish the EU’s competitiveness in both domestic and export markets.” A more recent 2022 study by Dutch scientists found that productionwill decline by 10 to 20%, or in some cases 30%. With strategies like this, the world wouldn’t need wars to find itself at the end of the cliff.

But, ironically, it took a war to make the EU realize that the F2F was not workable. Less than two weeks into the Ukraine-Russia war, as food prices climbed up and food security was at risk, the strategy got called off. In arguing for the pausing of the F2F, French President Emmanuel Macron said that “Europe cannot afford to produce less.”

The EU has convinced itself that green agriculture was the way forward, and it was only a matter of time until the bloc would have started telling the world to go green. Thankfully, the U.S. saw through these intentions and blasted the F2F as “protectionist,” “uncompetitive,” and misguided.” Commenting on F2F,  the U.S. Agriculture Secretary Tom Vilsack said, “The world’s got to get fed, and it’s got to get fed in a sustainable way. And we can’t basically sacrifice one for the other.” The EU had a chance to learn that green agriculture is not sustainable earlier if it listened to the U.S. Now, as the global food security crumbles, the bloc is learning it the hard way.

The war in Ukraine is a brutal reminder that our reality remains vulnerable to external shocks, so we should only build food systems that last and stand firm. Green agriculture is not one of them, and it should never be back on the agenda. Not in the EU, or the U.S., not anywhere.

Originally published here

Pentingnya Perlindungan Hak Kekayaan Intelektual untuk Meningkatkan Industri Film di Indonesia

Pandemi COVID-19 saat ini masih menjadi tantangan yang harus dihadapi oleh berbagai negara di dunia, termasuk juga Indonesia. Pandemi ini bukan hanya membawa dampak yang besar bagi kesehatan publik, tetapi juga membawa dampak yang sangat negatif terhadap perekonomian banyak negara di seluruh dunia.

Karena pandemi COVID-19, banyak bisnis dan sektor-sektor usaha yang tidak bisa beroperasi, karena pemerintah di berbagai negara menerapkan kebijakan pembatasan sosial di ruang publik, hingga kebijakan lockdown total. Oleh karena itu, salah satu sektor yang paling terkenal dampak dari pandemi ini adalah berbagai sektor jasa layanan dan pariwisata, seperti restoran dan perhotelan.

Banyak rumah makan dan hotel yang tidak bisa mendapatkan pelanggan, atau mengalami penurunan yang sangat drastis, karena pandemi ini. Tidak sedikit pula berbagai usaha jasa layanan dan pariwisata yang terpaksa harus gulung tikar karena mengalami kebangkrutan, dan terpaksa memberhentikan banyak pekerjanya.

Tidak hanya sektor jasa layanan dan pariwisata, berbagai sektor industri hiburan juga merasakan dampak yang sangat negatif dari pandemi ini, Salah satu pendapatan yang sangat besar yang didapatkan oleh para pelaku industri perfilman adalah melalui penayangan berbagai film di bioskop. Karena pandemi ini, banyak bioskop yang tutup dan tidak bisa beroperasi.

Di Indonesia sendiri misalnya, 90% pendapatan yang dihasilkan oleh industri perfilman di negara kita berasal dari penjualan tiket bioskop. Angka ini tentunya merupakan jumlah yang sangat besar, dan memiliki pengaruh yang sangat besar terhadap indutsri tersebut. Tidak mengherankan, pada tahun 2020 lalu, pendapatan yang dihasilkan oleh industri perfilman di Indoensia anjlok sebesar 97% (tekno.kompas.com, 9/3/2022).

Industri perfilman di Indonesia sendiri memiliki peran dan sumbangan yang besar terhadap perekonomian negara kita. Pada tahun 2019 saja, sebelum pandemi COVID-19 melanda ke seluruh dunia, ada lebih dari 50.000 tenaga kerja di subsektor animasi, film, dan video, dan ada lebih dari 2.500 jumlah usaha (elle.co.id, 19/3/2021).

Industri perfilman di Indonesia juga tidak kecil. Sebelum pandemi, tercatat industri perfilman di Indonesia sudah menghasilkan 51 juta penoton, dan ada 30 judul film Indonesia yang sudah mendapatkan apresiasi dari berbagai festival film internasional. 

Selama 4 tahun terakhir sebelum terjadinya pandemi COVID-19, juga terjadi pertumbuhan yang positif dari industri perfilman di Indonesia, dengan peningkatan 20% per tahun. Hal ini membuat Indonesia mampu menduduki peringkat 10 untuk pasar film terbesar di dunia, dengan nilai sekitar USD 500 juta (elle.co.id, 19/3/2021).

Dengan ditutupnya banyak bioskop yang memberikan pemasukan terbesar untuk industri perfilman, maka mau tidak mau industri perfilman harus mencari platform lain untuk memasarkan film-film yang mereka kepada penonton. Salah satu medium tersebut adalah melalui layanan streaming online berbayar untuk mendistribusikan film-film yang mereka buat.

Dengan ketersediaan jaringan internet yang semakin luas, makan pangsa pasar bagi para pelaku industri perfilman untuk mendistribusikan karya-kraya yang mereka buat melalui dunia maya juga semakin besar. 

Pada tahun 2021 lalu misalnya, Indonesia menduduki peringkat ke-3 tertinggi di Asia untuk jumlah pengguna internet, dengan jumlah lebih dari 212 juta jiwa. Dengan jumlah yang sangat tinggi tersebut, maka tentunya menyediakan pangsa pasar yang sangat luas (databooks.katadata.co.id, 14/10/2021).

Terlebih lagi di tengah kondisi pandemi seperti saat ini, sangat sulit bagi masyarakat Indonesia untuk bisa mendapatkan berbagai sarana hiburan offline dari luar rumah, karena banyak yang tutup atau dibatasi dengan sangat ketat. Hal ini membuat semakin banyak orang-orang yang beralih ke dunia maya untuk mencari hiburan untuk mengisi waktu luang mereka.

Akan tetapi, meskipun menyediakan pangsa pasar yang begitu besar, semakin luasnya ketersediaan jaringan internet juga membawa masalah baru yang tidak kecil, yakni semakin marak dan mudahnya pembajakan karya-karya perfilman. 

Di Indonesia, kita bisa dengan mudah menemukan berbagai website yang menyediakan berbagai layanan film bajakan secara gratis.

Fenomena pembajakan film tentu bukan merupakan sesuatu yang baru di Indonesia. Sebelumnya, kita bisa mendapatkan ebrbagai film bajakan yang dijual secara bebas di berbagai pusat-pusat perbelanjaan di berbagai penjuru kota di Indonesia.

Hal ini tentu merupakan sesuatu yang sangat merugikan dan membawa dampak yang sangat negatif terhadap industri perfilman. Hal ini kian diperparah dengan kondisi pandemi COVID-19 yang kita alami saat ini, di mana bioskop tidak bisa beroperasi secara normal, dan tidak sedikit pula produksi film yang harus terhambat karena pandemi ini.

Oleh karena itu, sangat penting bagi pemerintah untuk memberikan perlindungan hak kekayaan intelektual yang lebih kuat terhadap sektor industri perfilman di Indonesia, agar pembajakan bisa dihentikan. Dengan semakin banyaknya pembajakan yang menimbulkan banyak kerugian, tentu hal ini juga akan sangat mempersulit bagi industri film di Indonesia untuk semakin berkembang dan tidak mustahil akan mengurangi insentif bagi para pelaku usaha di sektor perfilman untuk semakin berinovasi.

Padahal, tidak hanya berperan menyediakan lapangan kerja dalam jumlah besar dan meningkatkan perekonomian, industri perfilman juga memiliki peran besar dalam memperkenalkan budaya Indonesia dan memberikan citra positif negara kita di dunia internasional. 

Bisa kita lihat misalnya, bagaimana negara-negara Asia lainnya yang memiliki industri perfilman yang sangat maju, seperti India dna Korea Selatan, di mana industri film di negara-negara tersebut memiliki peran yang sangat besar dalam memperkenalkan budaya mereka kepada masyarakat dunia.

Sebagai penutup, permasalahan pembajakan film di Indonesia merupakan masalah yang tidak kecil. Beberapa waktu lalu, pemerintah Indonesia sempat mengambil langkah untuk menutup berbagai websita yang menyediakan layanan film-film bajakan secara gratis.

Hal ini tentu merupakan langkah yang patut diapresiasi, namun belum cukup dalam menangkal pembajakan di negara kita. Bila perlindungan hak kekayaan intelektual industri perfilman di Indonesia semakin kuat, diharapkan industri film di negara kita akan semain maju, dan bisa semakin mengangkat Indonesia dalam dunia internasional.

Originally published here

UE ET SEMI-CONDUCTEURS : ENCORE DES SUBVENTIONS !

L’Union européenne veut garantir un approvisionnement régulier en semi-conducteurs sur le Vieux Continent. Mais, en dehors des subventions, elle n’a pas grand-chose à offrir…

Dans le cadre de la présidence française de l’Union européenne, Bruxelles s’intéresse de plus près à la « souveraineté numérique » – une question que j’ai déjà abordée dans un article fin janvier sur La Chronique Agora. L’UE veut s’attaquer au manque chronique de semi-conducteurs sur le marché mondial, une pénurie qui a lourdement affecté les entreprises technologiques européennes. En ce sens, l’Union européenne chercher à s’attaquer à un véritable problème.

Le manque de microprocesseurs n’a pas seulement touché l’industrie automobile en 2021. Des analystes de Goldman Sachs ont identifié 169 secteurs qui ont souffert d’une pénurie constante de semi-conducteurs. Parmi eux, on trouve également les fabricants de smartphones, d’ordinateurs et d’appareils médicaux, notamment.

D’où vient la pénurie ?

Les experts ne s’attendent pas à un véritable changement de tendance pour 2022. En effet, de nombreux problèmes qui ont largement contribué à la crise mondiale des puces sont toujours d’actualité.

En 2020, l’industrie des semi-conducteurs venait de sortir d’une longue période de ralentissement et était sur le point de connaître une forte reprise économique. Mais, quand le Covid-19 a fait son apparition, le secteur automobile, en particulier, a craint un affaiblissement de la demande. En effet, les ventes de véhicules se sont brièvement effondrées au printemps 2020.

Presque en panique, les acheteurs en chef des groupes automobiles ont annulé leurs commandes auprès de grands fabricants de puces comme TSMC à Taiwan. Mais cela s’est avéré être une erreur d’appréciation lourde de conséquences.

En 2021, les conditions météorologiques difficiles dans une partie du Texas ont aussi ralenti de nombreux fabricants de semi-conducteurs. Les conditions météorologiques et les catastrophes naturelles ont également ralenti la production au Japon.

Ces facteurs, combinés aux sanctions imposées aux fabricants de puces chinois, ont créé une pénurie structurelle que l’UE cherche à combattre. En fait, la Commission européenne veut faire passer les niveaux de fabrication européens de 10 à 20% de la part du marché mondial d’ici à 2030.

La réaction de l’UE

Cependant, les politiques de l’Union européenne sont une mauvaise copie de ce que Donald Trump a tenté de faire en 2019, lorsqu’il a demandé aux producteurs américains de semi-conducteurs de revenir aux États-Unis. L’Américain a incité les producteurs avec des crédits d’impôt, et l’appel à la responsabilité, car le pays fait face à un problème de sécurité nationale avec les semi-conducteurs chinois.

A l’heure actuelle, l’Europe n’a pas de fabricant capable d’approvisionner le marché européen. Il n’existe que quelques entreprises de taille moyenne, qui produisent souvent à des fins spécifiques, et ne sont pas aptes à produire à grande échelle.

Ce que l’Union européenne tente de faire maintenant, c’est d’insuffler de l’air à l’activité de fabrication de puces en Europe, avec 43 Mds€. Thierry Breton, commissaire européen au Marché intérieur, développait cette stratégie en février dernier :

« Nos objectifs sont ambitieux : doubler notre part de marché mondial pour la porter à 20 % d’ici à 2030 et produire les semi-conducteurs les plus sophistiqués et les plus économes en énergie en Europe. 

Grâce au paquet législatif sur les semi-conducteurs, nous renforcerons notre excellence en matière de recherche et l’aiderons à passer du laboratoire à la fabrication. Nous mobilisons des fonds publics considérables qui attirent déjà d’importants investissements privés. »

Une réponse en retard

L’UE commet ici plusieurs erreurs à la fois. D’une part, le manque actuel de semi-conducteurs sera soit très différent, soit très probablement disparu d’ici 2030. Dans tous les cas, l’UE sera en retard sur le problème. Une autre erreur est que ces investissements publics vont spécifiquement à la fabrication, et non à la recherche. Une entreprise de puces qui fait de la recherche à un endroit a de fortes chances de produire également dans le même pays.

Même lors de la conférence de presse de la Commission européenne qui a présenté la stratégie, on ne savait pas exactement comment Bruxelles allait utiliser l’argent. La présidente de la Commission, Mme von der Leyen, a affirmé que l’argent représenterait une aide d’Etat aux entreprises, mais la commissaire européenne danoise en charge de la Concurrence, Mme Margrethe Vestager, a déclaré lors de la même présentation que les règles relatives aux aides d’Etat ne seraient pas réformées dans l’UE.

D’une certaine manière, nous allons donc subventionner des entreprises en Europe, tout en poursuivant d’autres nations à travers le monde par le biais de l’Organisation mondiale du commerce parce qu’elles subventionnent leurs industries. C’est très européen.

Quoi qu’il en soit, l’Europe a trop de mal à concurrencer des nations qui ont des coûts de main-d’œuvre beaucoup plus bas et des charges fiscales moins importantes. Pourtant, ce problème n’est pas abordé par le paquet législatif sur les semi-conducteurs, car il secouerait l’arbre de l’hyper-réglementation bureaucratique. Et qui voudrait cela, n’est-ce pas ?

Originally published here

What would a world without herbicides look like?

Pesticide shortages, increased labor costs, and transportation bottlenecks are raising the cost of food across the EU. With war roiling this season’s crop planting in Ukraine — often called the breadbasket of Europe — grain shortages are expected to add to the growing number of factors impacting food security.

Yet, looking past the short-term crisis, Purdue University agricultural economist Jayson Lusk remains optimistic. He believes that biotechnology and entrepreneurship can help mitigate climate change while limiting soil erosion and boosting soil health. Genetically modified plants can produce their own, safer pesticides, reducing insecticide application. Yields can also be increased using gene tinkering, reducing land use and carbon emissions.

Read the full article here

March 2022

Over the course of March, the CCC team has been passionately defending consumer choice across the world. Here’s a recap of some of our accomplishments from this month!

First Retreat of the year in the UAE

For the location of our first retreat we chose the leader of our pandemic resilience index, the United Arab Emirates. We were joined by our Fellows who updated the team on their progress in their respective fields. We got to spend a productive couple of days together in sunny Ajman and planned out our activities for the next couple of months!
 

Vape flavours are in danger and the CCC is here to fight for them!

Remember that last month Liz testified against Alaska’s proposed 75% vape tax? This month, her expertise was required in Connecticut. She testified at the Connecticut General Assembly’s Joint Public Health Committee on a proposed flavored vaping ban and explained how harmful it would be to public health and consumer choice. We hope the state of Connecticut acts in consumers’ best interest and doesn’t take vape flavours away from people trying to quit smoking. 
WATCH HERE

Blanket ban is not a way to go about PFAS

Calls for a complete ban of so-called forever chemicals are intensifying in the EU. Maria wrote an amazing piece explaining why the blanket ban is so problematic and argues that this is an issue that requires careful and ideology-free risk analysis. The EU should strive to protect consumers, but by banning all PFAS, we risk disrupting supply chains and opening up the room for illicit trade, which would be detrimental to consumers.
READ MORE

Catch up on the latest episodes of the ConsEUmer podcast

In this month’s episodes, you can get insightful discussions on topics, such as the ongoing war in Ukraine, Germany’s nuclear reversal, new crypto regulations, and more. One of the episodes is co-hosted by Fabio and as a bonus, we even get a special episode recorded during our staff retreat in the UAE! 
 
LISTEN HERE

Avoid government-run broadband when connecting Michigan residents

Michigan has $100 million to spare for expanding broadband and internet coverage across the state. Liz argues that a better solution is to close the digital divide in Michigan and help broadband consumers to bolster competition. Many private broadband service providers are able to expand or upgrade their services where there is demand, without burdening taxpayers like municipal broadband networks do.
READ HERE

New Labeling system coming to the EU

The EU’s harmonised front-of-pack nutrition labeling system aims to encourage consumers to shift to healthier diets and will be mandatory across all EU countries. Bill presented at a Webinar organised by the Austrian Economics Center and made a case against mandatory labeling, arguing that there is no need for an EU regulation in the first place.  Government bureaucrats should not be giving us advice on what we should and should not consume. With informational tools at hand, individuals should make their own choices without coercion from the government.
 
WATCH HERE
That’s a wrap for this month! Make sure to follow us on our social media channels to get all the updates we couldn’t fit in here! See you next month

Ontario Government Legalizes iGaming

In the first week of April the government of Ontario launched a legal private online gambling market, which allows for consumers to wager on casino games, sporting events and other gambling activities on websites and apps that are approved by the province’s regulator.

The CCC’s North American Affairs Manager David Clement was invited to participate in the province’s consultation process with both the Attorney General’s Office and the Minister of Finance’s office. In those meetings we highlighted the need for a legal market in Ontario to ensure consumer safety in the online gambling market, and shift consumers away from the black market. 


The CCC is excited to see a safe and legal iGaming market thrive in Ontario, and hope that other provinces follow Ontario’s lead.

Hawaii: Eliminating vape flavors would cause more problems than it would solve

By Yaël Ossowski

When the state acts to protect our children, we trust it will do so with knowledge and responsibility. Considering the rise in availability of vaping products this last decade, it is understandable that the State Legislature has been called on to act.

But if Hawaii curbs the sale of flavored vaping products — intended for adult former smokers — this will not eradicate the problem of youth access. Rather, it may make it even worse.

Health committee chair Rep. Ryan Yamane admitted as much last week, stating “I don’t want our youth who are electronic savvy to get access to unknown supplies or, who knows, black-market cartridges laced with dangerous substances through the internet where we don’t know where it’s coming from.”

What Yamane alludes to is the 2019 EVALI epidemic, when illicit cannabis vaping devices made their way into the hands of thousands of people across the country, causing death and serious lung injuries that spread panic around vaping products. There were 4 cases in Hawaii.

The CDC has concluded that virtually every case was linked to a supply of bootleg THC vape cartridges laced with Vitamin E Acetate. While these products are far removed from the vaping devices found in convenience stores and vape shops, even though activists have attempted to connect them, the EVALI crisis demonstrates the ills associated with unregulated black market products.

Massachusetts enacted a ban on flavored vaping products in 2019 and the results should raise caution. Since the ban, a massive influx of smuggled tobacco and vape products has resulted in a thriving black market, siphoning tax revenue for the state, criminalizing adult consumers trying to make the healthier choice, and exposing kids to black market dealers who don’t ask for ID.

Making a product illegal will not necessarily make the demand for it go away, as the era of Prohibition taught us.

If Hawaii moves forward with a vaping flavor ban, they’ll not only endanger our kids, but they will also push adult consumers to switch back to smoking combustible tobacco, a disaster for public health. Over 1,400 Hawaiians lose their lives to smoking-related illnesses each year. As found in multiple studies and even Public Health England, vapers benefit from 95% less harm than cigarettes.

Fortunately, more than 7% of Hawaii’s adult population uses vaping products, accounting for over 100,000 Hawaiians who have switched to a better alternative, including our elderly. According to data from the Hawaii Journal of Medicine and Public Health, the largest demographic of Hawaiian vapers are actually over 65.

If those retirees have their smoking cession options taken away, it will not only nudge them back to smoking and put their health at risk, but it would cost Hawaii dearly. Smoking-related healthcare costs already cost Hawaiian taxpayers $141.7 million annually, not to mention the pain of long-term illnesses and deaths experienced by many families.

Our goal should be to expand people’s choices to quitting tobacco, not to limit them severely.

What’s more, similar bans to what is proposed here in Hawaii have actually been demonstrated to increase smoking rates among youth in jurisdictions like San Francisco. Data from the Journal of the American Medicine Association shows that the flavored vaping product ban caused increased smoking rates for youth aged 18 and younger.

If we are concerned about youth gaining access to vaping products, we need to ask why it is happening. Are retailers breaking the law and selling it to them? Are they asking older friends or family to acquire for them? Will adult users of these products still have less harmful alternatives to cigarettes if we outlaw them? These are important considerations.

Teenagers seek out risky behavior, whether it is drugs, alcohol, or vaping devices. Education and parental responsibility, however, would be much more effective than a sweeping ban that would boost a new black market and deprive responsible adults of products they have sought to improve their lives. This is the choice Hawaii will have to make.

Yaël Ossowski is deputy director at the Consumer Choice Center.

The case for permissionless innovation in tobacco harm reduction

By Yaël Ossowski

As a consumer advocate enamored with technology, there is nothing more satisfying than seeing a new product or service providing a solution to an old problem.

The entire world of Bitcoin — lightning nodes, censorship resistance, and frictionless cross-border payments — is doing wonders for financial freedom and security.

Ride-sharing and home-sharing apps are putting dormant property to use, providing income for drivers and homeowners and rides and places to stay for tourists and students.

And when it comes to tobacco harm reduction, innovation is picking up at breakneck speed, offering new and more effective ways to wean smokers off the harms of cigarettes. At another time, this is something public health organizations would have praised.

Pod vaping devices, open tanks, synthetic nicotine disposables, snus, heated tobacco products, and nicotine pouches are offering precisely what former smokers need without the same level of risk, all varied to some degree.

It is the permissionless innovation of this entire field — entrepreneurs large and small — that provides such hope to us technological optimists and harm reduction advocates. It excites us to the opportunities that progress can provide.

But for opponents of this particular shade of innovation — whether health groups, academics, or competing lobbies —  the very nature of how these products come to be is what so concerns them.

The vast majority of vaping products and alternative tobacco products are not spawned from public grants, university studies, or government programs, but rather from the process of entrepreneurial discovery, offering solutions to problems that exist in society.

This could be a former-smoker turned vaping entrepreneur with a thriving flavored liquids business run out of his garage, a multinational tobacco firm with thousands of employees, or a group of engineering students who just want to create a cool and safer alternative to the daily pack of cigarettes.

These entrepreneurial forces are reacting to a demand in the market, namely, millions of smokers who want to stub their last cigarette. For many of us, this is a positive example of permissionless innovation. For others, it is nothing more than greed and exploitation.

One can understand that the institutions and lobby groups that oppose efforts at tobacco harm reduction are threatened by private industries providing solutions more effective than the status quo. Or perhaps they even question their intentions.

But the fact remains that millions of former smokers, driven by their own conscious wants and needs, have found an alternative that works for them, provided by firms and entrepreneurs who did not ask for the permission of authorities. That is how our market economies should work.

To that end, new lines of nicotine pouches, vape mods, and disposable vapes are debuted on the market each day, some better than others.

Many of these innovators will fail: perhaps they will create a product that fails to gain customers or blur ethical lines on their advertising that eventually send them to court. Or, as in most cases, will vastly underestimate the cottage industry of governmental lobbying that can only be navigated by the most skilled and politically-connected industries, as the US Food & Drug Administration’s byzantine PMTA process has demonstrated.

That said, we should continue to cheer the innovators that provide us with solutions. And we should support them when their interests, and by extension, ours, are threatened by burdensome regulations and bureaucratic decrees.

When legislators are fed false narratives about lung illnesses and their connection to legal vaping products, as the 2019 EVALI crisis demonstrated, or perhaps are confronted with bombastic claims about a youth vaping epidemic, we must stand up for the people for precisely the people who will be hurt by spontaneous legislation: the adult users of the drug who just want a better option.

There are real externalities that must be dealt with: youth access, dangerous products laced with other compounds, and faulty devices that endanger users.

But we cannot kneecap the permissionless innovation in tobacco harm reduction that is saving lives and giving us solutions we couldn’t even imagine. If that remains a priority for consumer advocates like myself, it will have made all the difference.

Yaël Ossowski is deputy director of the Consumer Choice Center.

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