Technology

Österreich: Die Koalition muss die Überwachung von verschlüsselten Nachrichten-Apps ablehnen

WIEN – Diese Woche enthüllte Innenminister Gerhard Karner von der ÖVP, dass er einen Gesetzesentwurf “schnell” durchsetzen möchte, der der Regierung die Befugnis geben würde, verschlüsselte Kommunikation in Nachrichten-Apps zu überwachen.

Obwohl Karner betont hat, dass die neuen Befugnisse nur sehr gezielt eingesetzt würden, ist unklar, ob die Entwickler und Anbieter von Nachrichten-Apps gezwungen werden sollen, die Verschlüsselung zu brechen, um die Anordnungen durchzuführen.

Wie der stellvertretende Direktor des Consumer Choice Center, Yaël Ossowski, erklärte, würde diese Befugnis bedeuten, die Verschlüsselung für Millionen von österreichischen Verbrauchern zu untergraben und zu brechen.

„Jeder Versuch, die Verschlüsselung für einige ausgewählte Personen zu brechen, gefährdet gleichzeitig die Privatsphäre von Millionen von Österreichern. Dies ist weniger eine Frage der angemessenen Polizeibefugnisse als vielmehr eine Frage der technischen und sicherheitsrelevanten Aspekte. Schwächere Verschlüsselung macht österreichische Nutzer weniger sicher“ sagte Ossowski.

„Verschlüsselungsstandards von Apps wie Signal, WhatsApp und sogar iMessage aufzuheben, würde der österreichischen Regierung außergewöhnliche Befugnisse einräumen, die das Risiko bergen, jede und alle Kommunikation zu kompromittieren, nicht nur die von Verdächtigen oder Terroristen.

„Um gegen kriminelle Akteure vorzugehen, sollte die Koalition das bestehende Justizsystem nutzen, um Haftbefehle auf Grundlage eines begründeten Verdachts durchzusetzen, anstatt Messaging-Dienste und Apps dazu zu zwingen, diese Aufgabe für sie zu übernehmen“ erklärte Ossowski.

Das Consumer Choice Center weist darauf hin, dass ähnliche Versuche, die Verschlüsselung mit polizeilicher Gewalt zu brechen, bereits im Vereinigten Königreich und in Frankreich unternommen wurden, wo sie von Bürgerrechtsgruppen abgelehnt wurden.

###


Das Consumer Choice Center ist eine unabhängige, parteiunabhängige Verbraucherorganisation, die die Vorteile von Wahlfreiheit, Innovation und Wachstum im Alltagsleben für Verbraucher in über 100 Ländern fördert. Wir interessieren uns insbesondere für regulatorische Trends in Washington, Brüssel, Wien, Berlin, Ottawa, Brasília, London und Genf genau.

Erfahren Sie mehr auf consumerchoicecenter.org

How Donald Trump Can Beat Europe’s Tech Regulations

If there is one bright spot in Trump’s trade threats, it is that the conversation on how to improve the global regulatory space for the average consumer has been recalibrated. 

President Trump’s tariff-heavy trade agenda is quickly proving unpopular with Americans, which might explain why the administration worked overtime to rebrand tariffs as “liberation” from foreign partners who treated the United States unfairly. As part of the narrative switch, Trump’s team has at least one clever weapon that could ultimately serve to defend and strengthen free trade and innovation between the US and its allies like the European Union.

By framing any punitive regulation or excessive fine issued by foreign countries against U.S. firms as a legal device that “restricts, prevents, or impedes international trade,” President Trump has made a fresh case for how digital regulation and international diplomacy should work in the twenty-first century.

This idea is more interesting and impactful than many people may realize.

As anyone who casually observes the stock market can tell you, the U.S. economy is now bound at the hip with the fate of its technology companies. At a conservative estimate of 9 percent of GDP, our nation’s powerhouse tech firms based in Silicon Valley, Austin, and New York City have become a daily presence in our lives. For better or for worse, President Trump has taken notice.

In a pair of presidential memoranda issued in February, Trump announced new measures to evaluate restrictive trade practices hamstringing U.S. tech firms abroad. Trump might not love or fully trust Big Tech. Still, he’s extended the umbrella of America-First to them anyway, vowing to fight “one-sided, anti-competitive policies and practices of foreign governments” that target the likes of Meta, Amazon, Google, Netflix, Apple, and others. 

While the idea of reciprocal tariffs should make any economist queasy, we should pay special attention to the details of the Trump administration’s policies. 

One memorandum mentions that, beginning in 2019, many trading nations enacted Digital Service Taxes (DST) that “foreign government officials openly admit are designed to plunder American companies.” The document also invokes the “extortive fines and taxes” that exist to “prop up failed foreign economies.”

Though the executive orders don’t mention the specific laws or fines by name, one can safely intuit the reference of several regulations enacted in the European Union, namely the Digital Services Act (DSA) and the Digital Markets Act (DMA), as well as the so-called “link tax” efforts in Canada and Australia.

Regulators in Brussels have ratcheted up the enforcement of these regulations and haven’t let up now that President Trump has turned up the heat on trade.

In March, the European Commission declared three separate violations of the DMA against Apple, Meta, and Google, threatening as much as 10 percent of global revenue for each of the tech behemoths. The violations relate to various aspects of self-preferencing on platforms, advertising consent rules, and interoperability as mandated by European legislation.

What matters about Trump’s framing of these issues is that he views these regulatory actions as harmful not just to American innovators but to the global economy and consumers as a whole. The EU’s regulatory regime has morphed into a diplomatic issue. 

Rather than just Meta vs. the EU or Apple vs. Brussels, Trump has taken it upon himself to view it as a broader United States vs. European Union regulatory fight. As a strategy, it is having some impact.

EU Trade Commissioner Maroš Šefčovič told an audience in Washington that the commission was open to a “dialogue on big tech,” while playing down claims of discrimination against American companies. 

Just a few weeks later, during a review of the European Commission’s “Omnibus” package, regulators inserted several amendments to ease ESG and sustainability reporting requirements on global firms with operations in the EU.

Reversing years of the European rulemaking process will be next to impossible. Still, these subtle pivots are a glimmer of hope that the EU and the United States can work together again on tech and innovation. 

At home, U.S. firms still face a hostile climate in Washington. Trump comes to their defense against antagonism abroad, only to dispense with the “Good Cop” routine and continue litigation against companies like Amazon and Google for alleged antitrust violations. The FTC lawsuit against Meta’s acquisitions of Instagram and WhatsApp over a decade ago will have its first court hearing next month. At the same time, a judge reviews remedies to force Google to sell off its popular Chrome browser. 

It is hardly consistent for Trump to fend off all foreign regulatory threats and tariffs against American tech while subjecting them to punitive lawfare in our own courts that will only harm consumers who like these products and services. At the same time, a trade war won’t help anyone.

If there is one bright spot in Trump’s cacophony of trade threats, it is that the conversation on how to improve the global regulatory space for the average consumer has been recalibrated. 

The ability to change the conversation has always been Trump’s most clever weapon, and it is providing a great opportunity to refine our tech and trade relationships for the better.

Originally published here

Steering away from dangerous Brussels digital bureaucracy is essential for economic growth

The beginning of a new year always marks some sort of introduction of a new regulatory framework. The EU welcomed Romania and Bulgaria to the Schengen Zone, and the common charger policy went live (including in Northern Ireland, raising concerns of a BINO again). In the UK however, we had one of the most consequential digital legislation going live: the Digital Markets, Consumers and Competition Act 2024 (DMCCA), which is the framework for digital markets here in the UK.

Not soon after, the Competition and Markets Authority (CMA) with its newfound power, decided to investigate Google for its market dominance as a search engine and in search ads. This investigation is to establish whether Google has a “Strategic Market Status” (SMS) in these fields. Once designated as such, the CMA will then have the power to impose conduct requirements (CRs) or Pro Competition Intervention (PCIs) on how Google can provide its service, which very much affects consumers.

An example of what these interventions might look like can be found in the EU. If you google a restaurant or a shop, a map may be displayed, but clicking on the map has been disabled and the Maps link in the Google search bar has also been removed. This is because the EU believes that Google is promoting its own product, Google Maps, and not allowing other map providers to compete against its product, a concept that is called self-preferencing.

The EU’s demands have been a great source of inconvenience to many consumers, where consumer interface and efficiency have been made worse off thanks to bureaucratic overreach. The CMA will also investigate other companies in due course and has now launched an investigation into Apple.

The CMA has now pulled one of the classic tricks to legitimise their proposed intervention, by launching a consultation and bombarding it with incomprehensible gibberish that throws off the everyday consumer from being able to voice their concerns. Also note that the background for this consultation is pretty much a copy-paste job from their investigation into Google in 2019-2020. Since then, the industry has had seismic changes, such as the introduction of AI in search engines.

The reality is that this investigation is a very loaded question, with the potential to have wide-ranging consequences that the everyday consumer will bear the impact of. If a new independent restaurant is not able to use one of the biggest search engines to locate itself on the map, then how will it be possible for the restaurant to succeed and consumers to enjoy this new restaurant?

I understand the CMA’s dilemma: It is being scapegoated as the institution that has to regulate digital activity with a small team (even smaller now having had to fire 10 per cent of its employees due to a budgeting error). This is an impossible task to achieve, even if you spend 100 per cent of the UK GDP in attempting so. Regulators react to innovation and not preempt it. This also leads to far more restrictive legislation.

The other dilemma is squaring competition with the network effect. What makes the internet an interesting market is the fact that it gains additional value as more people use it. The more people input their data in Google, the more it becomes useful for everyone else. This intuitively would lead to a conclusion that eliminates competition as everyone will be inclined to use Google.

However, this has not been the case. If anything we have seen fierce competition between all the big tech companies, enabling the creation of more innovative products. This is amplified by the introduction of AI, where more and more people are now using Chat-GPT instead of Google, forcing Google to introduce its own AI capabilities in its search engines. This is not a monopoly, this is competition.

Crucially, these regulatory interventions are so bureaucratically minded that these investigations did not even consider current consumer satisfaction with products owned and used, or even attempt to quantify the change of consumer satisfaction before and after such interventions. Meanwhile, for businesses to profit in this sector, they need to greatly factor in consumer satisfaction, an arguably better means of self-regulating consumer protection.

The reality is at a time when the UK has been stagnating economically, it has been due to these restrictive measures. The Whitehall bureaucratic mentality values its ability to control and impose itself over industry rather than working with the markets to encourage innovation and consumer protection and convenience.

To grow, we need to encourage innovation and technological advancements, which will catalyze what resources we have now to increase our output exponentially. Rachel Reeves hinted at such measures when she mentioned the replacement of the CMA chair in her speech. However, amending such a bureaucratically restrictive mentality requires more than just words, which will be the Government’s challenge in the next few years.

To conclude, The First and Second Industrial Revolutions were spearheaded by Britain. Whilst notable British figures assisted in driving the Third Industrial Revolution, we were not in a position to lead, and now as we approach the Fourth Industrial Revolution, the era of Artificial Intelligence, it is the Americans who have created the petri dish for such innovation.

With the inauguration of Donald Trump, it is most likely that their permissive environment for innovation is amplified. Reeves said all the right things in her speech at Siemens, but for the UK to have a decent chance at being a playmaker in digital innovation, we need less investigations and EU alignment, and more entrepreneurial and realistic thinking.

Originally published here

JD Vance says the EU targets US tech, but energy is also in the crosshairs

At the Paris AI Summit and Munich Security Conference earlier this month, Vice President JD Vance stunned Europeans with an unapologetic defense of American tech innovation, values, and energy dominance in the face of regulatory threats abroad.

He decried the abandonment of free speech across the continent, as well as the regulatory morass sprouting out of Brussels that chokes American tech firms with legislation such as the Digital Services Act (DSA) and GDPR. But tech isn’t the only industry in the EU’s crosshairs.

European bureaucrats have busied themselves with penalizing and extracting value from US tech firms, and now they’re preparing to do the same for any American firm within European borders, using ESG and climate change as a justification for massive fines and reporting requirements.

At the same time in Germany, this weekend’s elections gave a resounding victory for conservative Friedrich Merz, who has signaled he’ll undo the subsidized energy rollback and nuclear power shutdowns that have vastly increased costs for German industries.

But while Europe reorients itself, the Trump-Vance Administration can no longer only play witness to the EU’s failed energy policies; they must actively fight back.

Energy Sanity Must Take Hold

The shuttering of nuclear power plants, mixed with restrictions on energy exploration and an overreliance on intermittent renewables make the EU a poor place for hosting data centers the West needs. Even more concerning is European policy itself, such as the EU’s creeping attempt to unlawfully enforce its “Environmental, Social, and Governance” (ESG) sustainability agenda on US energy providers and the consumers that rely on them.

While the framework of ESG has been mostly abandoned by firms in the US, thanks in large part to the election of Donald Trump and the exiting of asset manager, BlackRock, from the UN-backed Net Zero Alliance, the EU is just getting started on enforcement of its own “Green New Deal” it adopted in 2022.

Beginning in January 2025, firms are required to comply with the European Union’s Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive (CSRD), where they will be forced to disclose their environmental impacts, social and governance policies, and outline their path to committing to 2050 net-zero emissions goals set by the Paris Climate Accords.

Companies are required to disclose this information if they meet two of the following criteria: more than 250 employees, an excess of 40 million euros in net turnover, or holding above 20 million euros in total assets.

These disclosure rules are also forced on non-EU companies with turnover exceeding 150 million euros on the continent. It is estimated that over 50,000 companies will be coerced into submitting this data to European regulators.

Most remarkably, American firms subject to these EU rules will be required to disclose this data on all global operations, even with only a modest presence in the EU. And if they opt not to comply, they could be penalized as much as 5 percent of global turnover.

It’s a shocking financial shakedown of productive international firms and borders on being a sort of new-fangled European imperialism using nothing more than regulations and fines. 

This would saddle US energy giants with huge fines to operate in Europe and service European consumers, but also ding retail, pharmaceutical, computing, food, and research companies. The EU is trying to ESG disclosures and net-zero plans from US firms like Amazon, Google, Proctor & Gamble, Pfizer, and even Tesla. 

That amounts to EU bureaucrats and pencil pushers forcing costing sustainability directives on operations in Michigan, Florida, Nebraska, and beyond. Vance and Team Trump should seize the available opportunity to draw a line in the sand on this behavior and challenge Europe’s ESG regime. 

How are US employers and lawmakers supposed to explain to their constituents that an intentionally complex European directive is why their lives have become mired in red tape? 

How can Trump and Vance respond?

Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnik has already intimated to lawmakers that he may use “trade tools” to defang the EU’s ESG compliance rules, but even more may be necessary.

As Europe has fallen behind the United States and China on technological innovation, it has supplanted its industrial capability with regulatory prowess, evident from the European Commission’s championing of digital rules that have so far hamstrung US tech firms, including the DSA, DMA, GDPR, and the incoming AI Act.

Having lost the battle to provide affordable energy and innovative tech to its citizens, the EU has contented itself to enforce costly rules internationally that will subsidize their government’s suppression of domestic industry. 

Who needs enemies when you have friends like this? 

When Americans voted at the ballot box in November of 2024, they voted overwhelmingly against the climate policies of the Biden administration and the EU’s ESG agenda. The SEC has withdrawn their previous climate-related disclosure policies. The firms that once championed the climate goals of the UN have since abandoned them. 

The EU’s own domestic companies have pressured Brussels to abandon its further ESG reach in order to boost competitiveness, and it just may happen. Negociations are ongoing to defang the CSRS and narrow its scope to ensure Europe and remain competitive.

But the Trump-Vance Administration must remain stern.

The European Union’s ESG agenda imposes heavy costs and burdens on American producers and consumers, and US leaders must put America first by opposing these rules at every step. Everyday Europeans, not just Americans, stand to benefit the most from a Trump administration that challenges the EU’s regulatory regime. 

Yaël Ossowski is the deputy director of the Consumer Choice Center.

“Kids Online Safety Act” Is Still A Bad Deal For Consumer Privacy and Speech

Congress is moving quickly to revive the Kids Online Safety Act (KOSA), which passed the US Senate in August, by attaching the controversial bill to the year-end Continuing Resolution by the House of Representatives. Revisions have been made to KOSA, now championed by X CEO Linda Yaccarino, and Don Trump Jr.

Yaël Ossowski, Deputy Director of the Consumer Choice Center, reacted to the renewed push to pass KOSA, saying, “At the same time Republicans and Democrats are coming together in support of Elon Musk’s DOGE initiative, they’re slyly advancing KOSA which would massively expand online regulation power and necessitate more bureaucracy. In the end, kids still get no added online safety, and adults lose their privacy.”

The inclusion of the Kids Online Safety Act in the Continuing Resolution (CR) comes as Congress faces a looming deadline to avoid a government shutdown. This prompted Senator Rand Paul (R-KY) to criticize KOSA’s new iteration and demand that it not be tacked onto larger legislation such as defense and government spending.

The Consumer Choice Center opposes the most current iteration of KOSA and the mechanism its sponsors aim to use to pass the bill. Stephen Kent, Media Director of the Consumer Choice Center, responded, “A bill with such large implications for free speech and the First Amendment should not be rolled into a CR with government spending and defense. Members of Congress must be able to vote their conscience and represent their constituents without being strongarmed into voting for KOSA to keep the government open.”

The Consumer Choice Center urges Congress to remove KOSA from the Continuing Resolution and reintroduce it as a standalone bill for proper debate. Public trust in government depends on lawmakers crafting policies that are transparent and evidence-based. Consumers of online platforms and services deserve better than what KOSA proposes

Yaël Ossowski concluded, “We remain concerned about how KOSA still grants the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) a blank check on rulemaking authority, allowing them to create content moderation guidance while giving plaintiff lawyers an avenue to sue most tech companies out of existence. There’s also nothing sufficient in KOSA to guard online privacy, retention of data, and provide liability for breaches of consumer’s personal information.”

###

The Consumer Choice Center is an independent, nonpartisan consumer advocacy group championing the benefits of freedom of choice, innovation, and abundance in everyday life for consumers in over 100 countries. We closely monitor regulatory trends in Washington, Brussels, Ottawa, Brasilia, London, and Geneva. Find out more at www.consumerchoicecenter.org

Barang Elektornik dan Kebijakan Proteksi di Indonesia

Indonesia merupakan salah satu negara berkembang dengan jumlah populaasi yang sangat besar. Tidak mengerankan, bila hal tersebut tentunya menjadi potensi pasar yang sangat besar, dan tidak sedikit para pelaku usaha dari luar negeri yang berlomba-lomba berupaya untuk bisa menjual barang-barang yang mereka produksi kepada konsumen di Indonesia.

Para produsen tersebut meliputi berbagai sektor, mulai dari pakaian, kendaraan bermotor, hingga barang-barang elektronik. Tidak mengherankan bila banyaknya barang-barang luar negeri di Indonesia ini memunculkan kritik dari sebagian pihak, yang mengganggap hal tersebut dapat mengancam produsen dalam negeri.

Untuk itu, tidak sedikit pihak-pihak tersebut yang mengadvokasi adanya kebijakan dari pemerintah untuk memerlukan kebijakan yang membatasi peredaran barang-barang luar negeri tersebut di Indonesia. Belum lama ini misalnya, pemerintah melalui Kementerian Perindustrian (Kemenperin) mengeluarkan Peraturan Menteri (Permen) Perindustrian Nomor 6 tahun 2024 tentang Tata Cara Penerbitan Pertimbangan Teknis Impor Produk Elektronik.

Adanya peraturan Menteri tersebut sendiri merupakan pengejewantahan dari perintah langsung Presiden Joko Widodo kepada kementerian terkait untuk memperketat impor di berbagai jenis komoditas, salah satunya adalah barang-barang elektronik. Dalam aturan tersebut, Kemenperin membatasi impor 78 jenis barang elektornik yang sangat beragam, seperti AC, televisi, mesin cuci, kulkas, laptop, rice cooker, dan lain sebagainya (cnbcindonesia.com, 11/4/2024).

Dengan kata lain, melalui aturan tersebut, maka para importir barang-barang elektronik harus terlebih dahulu meminta izin kepada kementerian terkait untuk mendatangkan barang-barang tersebut dari luar negeri. Setelah itu, kementerian terkait akan menerbitkan pertimbangan teknis apakah akan menyetujui permintaan yang diajukan dengan menerbitkan Persetujuan Impor (PI) (kemendag.go.id, 15/4/2024).

Sontak, munculnya aturan ini menimbulkan kritik dari berbagai pihak, khususnya organisasi yang berfokus pada penelitian kebijakan ekonomi dan perdagangan. Adanya kebijakan ini tentunya bukan hanya akan mempersulit para pedagang di Indonesia untuk mendapatkan barang-barang tersebut, tetapi juga para konsumen karena ketersediaan barang-barang tersebut tentunya akan semakin sedikit.

Tidak bisa dipungkiri bahwa, produsen manufaktur produk-produk elektronik dalam negeri bukan tanpa masalah. Ada berbagai tantangan yang harus bisa diatasi oleh para pelaku usaha dan produsen produk-produk elektronik dalam negeri, seperti dari sisi kualitas dan lain sebagainya.

Tetapi adanya kebijakan pembatasan impor tentu bukan solusi yang tepat. Lembaga peneliti ekonomi Institute for Development of Economics and Finance (INDEF) misalnya, menilai kebijakan pembatasan impor ini sebagai “jalan pintas” karena belum mampu untuk membangun industri barang-barang elektronik domestik yang kompetitif (bbc.com, 12/4/2024).

Yang memprihatinkan, kebijakan “jalan pintas” ini memang harus diakui bukan sesuatu yang jarang diambil. Karena tidak mau mengalami kesulitan, sering kali para pembuat kebijakan membuat aturan bernuansa “jalan pintas” secara cepat yang seakan bisa menyelesaikan berbagai persoalan yang ingin diatasi.

Bila hal ini dilakukan, tentu kebijakan ini akan membawa dampak negatif yang tidak kecil. Bila kita belum bisa membangun industri yang kompetitif di dalam negeri, dan impor dibatasi, maka konsumen menjadi pihak yang paling dirugikan, karena pilihan menjadi semakin sedikit, dan juga mereka akan dipaksa untuk membeli produk dengan kualitas yang tidak mereka inginkan. Belum lagi, hal ini juga akan berpotensi memunculkan kartel industri yang tentunya juga akan sangat merugikan konsumen.

Selain itu, peneliti dari lembaga riset Center for Indonesian Policy Studies (CIPS) mengatakan bahwa, industri lokal di Indonesia dalam hal ini siap untuk memproduksi barang elektronik untuk konsumen kelas menengah ke bawah. Hal ini mencakup berbagai macam barang-barang elektronik seperti kulkas dan juga pendingin ruangan (AC) kategori low-end dengan harga yang terjangkau (bbc.com, 12/4/2024).

Hal ini tentu jauh berbeda dengan berbagai barang elektronik high-end yang menggunakan teknologi mutakhir dan memiliki harga yang cukup tinggi. Barang-barang high-end tersebut saat ini masih sangat sulit untuk bisa diproduksi di dalam negeri. Dengan demikian, setiap produsen memiliki pangsa pasarnya masing-masing.

Tidak hanya merugikan konsumen, adanya kebijakan ini juga akan berdampak pada sisi pelaku usaha, khususnya para pemasok produk, seperti para pemilik toko elektronik. Asosiasi Industri Perangkat Telematika Indonesia (AIPTI) misalnya, menyatakan bahwa adanya aturan ini akan membuat importir produk menjadi semakin mengecil, yang akan mengganggu pasokan barang (cnbcindonesia.com, 29/4/2024).

Belum lagi, Indonesia dalam hal ini juga sudah tergabung ke beberapa perjanjian perdagangan bebas (free trade agreement) dengan beberapa negara lain seperti ASEAN — China Free Trade Agreement dan juga ASEAN – Japan Comprehensive Economic Partnership (AJCEP). Dengan demikian, pemerintah tidak bisa semuanya menetapkan aturan pembatasan impor dengan alasan untuk melindungi produk dalam negeri.

Sebagai penutup, kebijakan proteksionis secara umum, termasuk juga kebijakan proteksi barang-barang elektronik, merupakan langkah yang akan berpotensi membawa kerugian. Hal ini tidak hanya menimpa konsumen, tetapi juga terhadap berbagai pemilik usaha di Indonesia, diantaranya adalah para pedagang dan pemasok barang elektornik. Dengan demikian, kebijakan tersebut berpotensi akan menguntungkan industri tertentu di dalam negeri, sementara di saat yang sama juga membawa dampak negatif terhadap sektor usaha lainnya.

Selain itu, upaya untuk meningkatkan kualitas produk-produk dalam negeri harus lah dilakukan melalui kebijakan yang mendorong adanya persaingan bebas dan juga menjaga hak konusmen untuk bebas memilih produk yang mereka inginkan. Adanya kebijakan proteksionisme justru juga berpotensi akan semakin memperburuk kualitas produk dalam negeri, seperti yang terjadi pada industri otomotif di India, Negara tersebut memberlakukan kebijakan proteksionisme terhadap industri otomotifnya, sementara itu kita ketahui bahwa hampir tidak ada industri otomotif India yang bisa bersaing di pasar dunia (autocarindia.com, 10/4/2022).

Untuk membuat produk barang dengan kualitas yang baik dan bisa dijangkau oleh banyak konsumen bukan merupakan sesuatu yang mudah. Dibutuhkan banyak pengetahuan mengenai (know-how) dibalik pembuatan produk tersebut, dan hal itu tidak bisa didapatkan secara instan melalui kebijakan pembatasan perdagangan dan proteksionisme.

Originally published here

DOJ vs. Google: An Insult To Consumers

October 10, 2024, WASHINGTON, DC – This week, the legal team representing the Department of Justice and several state attorneys general filed a preliminary “remedy framework” in their case against the search giant Google, following an August ruling by Judge Amit P. Mehta’s which erroneously declared the American company a “monopolist”.

The proposed remedies attack Google’s past, present, and future by:

  • Restricting Google’s ability to make third-party arrangements for its search and web browser products.
  • Limiting Google’s ability to cross-promote its own products such as Google Gemini (generative AI) on Chrome, Android, and the Google Play Store.
  • Exploring ways to force Google to craft educational campaigns that inform consumers of alternative search engines.
  • Opening Google’s vast data archive to researchers, educators, and competitors.
  • Cutting off Google’s budding AI division utilizing data within its search products to train AI and service consumers with high-quality results.

Yaël Ossowski, deputy director of the Consumer Choice Center, criticized the government’s bullet-point plan to break up the search company, “Imagine after the rise of Facebook, the DOJ comes in and forces the most popular social media app in the world to educate its users about alternatives, Myspace and Google+. It would have been laughable. That’s part of the government’s plan for Google, and it’s an all-out assault on consumer preference and choice. It’s a total insult to consumers.”

Google, according to  Assistant Attorney General for Antitrust, Jonathan Kanter, has set up a self-preferential ecosystem of apps and technology that limit competition. Prior to his role in the Biden DOJ, Kanter represented Microsoft, Yelp, and other competitors to Google.

“The truth is that consumers choose their search engine based on convenience and the quality of results. DOJ’s plans to restrict Google’s ability to enter into product partnerships, as well as halting their AI investments, does nothing but slow down the consumer experience,” continued Ossowski.

In August, the Consumer Choice Center was quoted by the Associated Press after the judge’s ruling, saying “The United States is drifting toward the anti-tech posture of the European Union, a part of the world that makes almost nothing and penalizes successful American companies for their popularity.

The proposed remedy plan is only the first step in the federal government’s recommendations to the judge, but it will ultimately be the court that decides whether these terms are viable and necessary regarding Google. 

Yaël Ossowski concluded, “While the government unloads on Google, the competitive world of both closed and open-source Large Language Models is growing exponentially and expanding the market for artificial intelligence apps. Google already faces substantial competition as AI firms reshape the landscape of online search results. The government is using its power to tilt the scales of innovation in a direction it likes, depriving consumers of the effective free tools Google has provided for years.”

The Consumer Choice Center is taken aback by this insult to consumers being advanced by the U.S. Department of Justice. Competition is vital in the technology and AI sector, but the DOJ’s remedy proposal reflects an overstep of government authority and a disregard for the principle of consumer welfare.

“‘Google‘ is a verb because the products and tech ecosystem work for consumers exactly how they want and expect. If that ever stopped being the case, Google’s competitors wouldn’t seek government assistance in order to boost their market share. Jamming up Google, both now and in the future, is exactly what’s going on here and consumers should be outraged,” concluded Ossowski.

The New TikTok Lawsuit Targets All Social Media App Experiences

Over a dozen states are suing TikTok, according to news reports breaking today, in a fresh bipartisan move against the massively popular social media app. This collection of lawsuits goes after TikTok’s user experience, alleging that the company misled the American public over the app’s impact on youth mental health outcomes and addictive behavior. 

Stephen Kent, media director of the Consumer Choice Center, reacted with skepticism about the new effort to target TikTok, “TikTok has an ownership problem, not a features problem. We’ve been highly critical of TikTok’s ownership structure and supportive of the federal effort to force ByteDance Ltd. to divest its majority stake in the app for the sake of user’s online security and privacy. This lawsuit is something different, and the ultimate target is, in fact, all social media firms that consumers enjoy.”

The lawsuits take issue with TikTok’s most notable features, including autoplay, “beauty” filters, and push notifications. Similar efforts have been aimed at Meta in October 2023.

Stephen Kent continued, “Read over these lawsuits and you’ll see that TikTok could be removed from the text and replaced with almost any other popular social media app. This effort is indicative of a legislative panic over algorithms and customized user experiences and would lead us to a one-size-fits-all future in which consumers’ online experiences are all alike. TikTok is popular precisely because its technology is so powerful at figuring out the likes and dislikes of the user. No one wants to be on an app where they hate everything they see. These lawsuits are antithetical to consumer choice online.”

The Consumer Choice Center encourages the process of divestiture to go forward in federal court and for ByteDance to do the right thing for its users by allowing TikTok to be operated by an entity with independence from the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The right approach is for social media firms to be accountable to the consumers they serve, and TikTok cannot do that with its current connection to the Chinese government.

Read more from the Consumer Choice Center: Don’t Co-Parent with Congress (Reason Magazine, Yahoo! News)

“Parents who are concerned about their children’s online behaviors and exposure to harmful content can take action today by adopting alternative smartphone technology that helps them moderate their child’s online experience. I have spoken at length about the perks of the Bark Phone, Gabb, Troomi, and Pinwheel phones, as alternatives to government action. There’s a robust market for family-friendly tech experiences and consumers don’t have to wait on courtrooms or lawmakers to help their children navigate social media more safely,” concluded Kent.

Korea must balance immediate gains with long-term innovation

In the rapidly evolving digital landscape, South Korea stands at a crucial juncture. As the nation considers new regulatory measures to address the growing influence of digital platforms, it is vital to carefully weigh the potential long-term impacts of these decisions. While the desire to ensure fair competition and protect consumers is understandable, we respectfully suggest that the Korean government adopt a market-based approach that prioritizes innovation, consumer choice and the country’s continued leadership in global technology.

Some governments, such as those in the European Union, have quick wins by implementing regulations that seem to open up platforms or dismantle walled gardens. However, it is worth noting that EU countries are not at the forefront of developing consumer technology. These short-sighted measures may have unintended consequences, especially in a sector propelled by rapid technological advancements. For instance, artificial intelligence (AI) is set to revolutionize the tech industry in unpredictable ways, potentially requiring certain levels of platform control to ensure authenticity and security. Prematurely forcing these systems to open up could stifle innovation and slow the adoption of transformative technologies like AI, ultimately limiting the options and benefits available to consumers.

A look at the history of mobile operating systems provides valuable insights into how market-driven competition can serve consumer interests. Despite Apple’s iOS being a closed system, its competition with Google’s Android has spurred continuous innovation, lowered prices and improved service quality. This rivalry has expanded consumer choice, driving the widespread adoption of smartphones and making advanced technology accessible to millions. The ongoing decline in mobile phone prices, even as features and capabilities have expanded, illustrates that a competitive market can effectively safeguard consumer interests without the need for heavy-handed regulation.

While regulation plays a role in protecting markets, it must remain targeted and focused on preventing clear abuses, such as bureaucracy and red tape, rather than imposing broad, sweeping rules that could stifle the market’s dynamism. Overregulation risks undermining the creativity and innovation that have positioned South Korea as a global leader in technology. Conversely, a market-based approach allows for a diverse range of solutions to emerge organically, driven by the innovation of market participants. This environment enables both large and small players to innovate and thrive, and consumers to benefit.

Read the full text here

Labour sends mixed messages to global innovators

Mike Salem, the UK Country Associate for the leading international consumer group, the Consumer Choice Center (CCC), expressed his views on the government’s plan to shelve £1.3 billion of investment in the tech and AI sectors.

While fiscal cuts may be necessary, consumers would have been better off with an accompanying announcement encouraging innovation and competition, which would lead to better outcomes for everyday use.

For example, by being more permissive than the EU, the UK can attract more innovators to develop their leading products in our country.

In a statement, Salem warned that the government’s plan directly contradict Labour’s mission to create wealth.

He stated: “In its effort to reduce public spending, the government’s image of being  more fiscally responsible remains to be seen, but we hope there will not be an abandonment wholesale of the promise of AI innovation in the private sector.”

Read the full text here

CCC Supports Government’s Move to Encourage SMEs and MSMEs Technological Adoption

KUALA LUMPUR, 21st August 2024 — The Consumer Choice Center (CCC) expresses strong support for Digital Minister Gobind Singh Deo’s recent announcement regarding the proposal in Budget 2025. Gobind wants to encourage small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs) to adopt advanced technologies, including artificial intelligence (AI). This initiative is crucial for enhancing productivity and ensuring Malaysia’s businesses remain competitive in the global market.

Tarmizi Anuwar, Malaysia Country Associate at the Consumer Choice Center, stated, “Minister Gobind Singh Deo’s initiative is a significant step forward in promoting innovation and efficiency among SMEs and MSMEs. By adopting advanced technologies, businesses will not only improve their operations but also provide consumers with higher quality products and services.”

World Bank highlights that Malaysia’s SMEs have been underperforming when compared to peer countries, both in terms of output and productivity levels. Additionally, SMEs in Malaysia are less likely to adopt complex innovations and technologies in their businesses due to a lack of technical capabilities.

The CCC also stresses that upskilling and reskilling should be integral to the process of adopting AI. “For these efforts to be truly effective, businesses must invest in training their workforce to handle new technologies,” Tarmizi added. “By integrating upskilling and reskilling programs, we can ensure that the transition to AI-driven operations is smooth and benefits both businesses and workers.”

To further support AI adoption, the CCC recommends the implementation of regulatory sandboxes—controlled environments where businesses can test AI innovations with limited regulations. While regulatory sandboxes have traditionally been used by larger tech firms and fintech companies, they can be adapted for SMEs and MSMEs as well. “Countries like India and Singapore have successfully used regulatory sandboxes to SMEs and MSMEs to foster innovation while ensuring consumer protection,” Tarmizi noted. 

“For SMEs and MSMEs, specialized sandboxes could be developed with lower-cost entry points, simplified compliance requirements such as the application and evaluation processes should be streamlined or made easy to follow, and tailored support for less complex innovations.”

By making these sandboxes accessible to smaller businesses, the government can empower SMEs and MSMEs to experiment with new technologies, such as AI, without being burdened by full regulatory requirements. This approach not only encourages innovation but also mitigates risks for businesses that may lack the resources of larger corporations.

For the long term, regulatory sandboxes should not be seen merely as temporary relief for specific groups but rather as a foundational model of learning and adaptation that can drive broader regulatory reform. By embracing sandboxes as a tool for iterative testing and development across all sectors, we can streamline regulations, enhance productivity, and foster a dynamic environment conducive to innovation. This approach allows for continuous improvement and ensures that regulations evolve in tandem with technological advancements, ultimately benefiting the entire economy.

In addition to supporting these measures, the CCC urges the government to maintain transparency and accountability in their implementation. “It’s crucial that these initiatives are accessible to a broad range of businesses and do not lead to dependencies or favor certain industries disproportionately and that the process is transparent, ensuring a fair and competitive market,” Tarmizi concluded.

California Threatens the Future of Open Source Tech and AI

SACRAMENTO, CA – The week of July 8, the California legislature once again considered SB1047, the “Safe and Secure Innovation for Frontier Artificial Intelligence Models Act,” a sweeping framework that aims to regulate and issue compliance guidelines for AI large language models and related products and services.

Consumers of existing AI models and products benefit greatly from what’s happening right now in this sector, thanks to open source developers that make the ecosystem competitive, free, and accessible for all sorts of people with unique use cases in mind.

The mandates and compliance forced by SB1047 threaten innovation and should be rejected by state legislators.

Yaël Ossowski, deputy director of the consumer advocacy group Consumer Choice Center, said of SB1047:

“California’s proposed AI law would bring virtually all development to a grinding halt. This law would require developers to usher their innovations through government bureaucracies to meet various demands and standards that are neither clear nor realistic.

“Most alarmingly, the proposed bill would assign an unprecedented liability standard to open source developers, reducing the incentives for intelligent and creative coders to dedicate themselves to building the next generation of artificial intelligence technologies,” said Ossowski. “This would be perilous for emerging tech innovations that rely on open source models to exist.

Read the full text here

en_USEN

Follow us

WASHINGTON

712 H St NE PMB 94982
Washington, DC 20002

BRUSSELS

Rond Point Schuman 6, Box 5 Brussels, 1040, Belgium

LONDON

Golden Cross House, 8 Duncannon Street
London, WC2N 4JF, UK

KUALA LUMPUR

Block D, Platinum Sentral, Jalan Stesen Sentral 2, Level 3 - 5 Kuala Lumpur, 50470, Malaysia

OTTAWA

718-170 Laurier Ave W Ottawa, ON K1P 5V5

© COPYRIGHT 2025, CONSUMER CHOICE CENTER

Also from the Consumer Choice Center: ConsumerChamps.EU | FreeTrade4us.org