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coronavirus

The global organizations and populists who aim to seize COVID vaccine tech and IP

When Donald Trump claimed in September 2020 that every American would have access to vaccines by April 2021, his comments received scorn. The Washington Post said his claims were “without evidence,” CNN quoted health experts who said it was impossible, and The New York Times claimed it would take another decade.

Now, a year into this pandemic, nearly half of the eligible population has received at least one vaccine dose in the U.S., and distribution has been opened to every American adult.

Operation Warp Speed, which invested tax dollars and helped reduce bureaucracy across the board, has contributed to what has truly been a miraculous effort by vaccine firms.

While Trump’s proclamations eventually become true and the question of vaccine ability has been settled, there is now pressure on the Biden administration to turn over domestic vaccine supply to countries with skyrocketing cases.

On Sunday, the U.S. declared it will send additional medical supplies to India, currently experiencing the largest global spike in cases.

But at international bodies, countries and activist groups are petitioning for far more: they want to force biotech companies to waive intellectual property rights on vaccines and COVID-related medical technology.

Along with nearly 100 other countries, India and South Africa are the architects of a motion at the World Trade Organization called a TRIPS Waiver (Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights).

If the waiver is triggered, it would ostensibly nullify IP protections on COVID vaccines, allowing other countries to copy the formulas developed by private vaccine firms to inoculate their populations and play into the hands of future governments more hostile to private innovation.

This week, U.S. Trade Representative Katherine Tai met with the heads of the various vaccine makers to discuss the proposal, but it is uncertain if the Biden administration will support the measure at the WTO.

While many companies have voluntarily pledged to sell them at cost or even offered to share information with other firms, this measure would have more far-reaching implications.

This coalition seeking the TRIPS waiver includes Doctors Without Borders, Human Rights Watch, and World Health Organization Secretary-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, who first backed this effort in 2020 before any coronavirus vaccine was approved.

They claim that because COVID represents such a global threat and because western governments have poured billions in securing and helping produce vaccines, low and middle-income countries should be relieved of the burden of purchasing them.

Considering the specialized knowledge needed to develop these vaccines and the cold storage infrastructure required to distribute them, it seems implausible that any of this could be achieved outside the traditional procurement contracts we’ve seen in the European Union and the U.S.

That said, rather than celebrating the momentous innovation that has led to nearly a dozen globally-approved vaccines to fight a deadly pandemic in record time, these groups are trumpeting a populist message that pits so-called “rich” countries against poor ones.

Intellectual property rights are protections that help foster innovation and provide legal certainty to innovators so that they can profit from and fund their efforts. A weakening of IP rules would actively hurt the most vulnerable who depend on innovative medicines and vaccines.

If the cost of researching and producing a COVID vaccine is truly $1 billion as is claimed, with no guarantee of success, there are relatively few biotechnology or pharmaceutical companies that can stomach that cost.

BioNTech, the German company headed by the husband-wife team of Uğur Şahin and Özlem Türeci that partnered with Pfizer for trials and distribution of their mRNA vaccine, was originally founded to use mRNA to cure cancer.

Before the pandemic, they took on massive debt and scrambled to fund their research. Once the pandemic began, they pivoted their operations and produced one of the first mRNA COVID vaccines, which hundreds of millions of people have received.

With billions in sales to governments and millions in direct private investment, we can expect the now-flourishing BioNTech to be at the forefront of mRNA cancer research, which could give us a cure. The same is true of the many orphan and rare diseases that do not otherwise receive major funding.

Would this have been possible without intellectual property protections?

Moderna, for its part, has stated it will not enforce the IP rights on its mRNA vaccine and will hand over any research to those who can scale up production. The developers of the Oxford-AstraZeneca vaccine have pledged to sell it at cost until the pandemic is over.

While this should smash the narrative presented by the populists and international organizations who wish to obliterate IP rights, instead they have doubled down, stating that these companies should hand over all research and development to countries that need them.

If we want to be able to confront and end this pandemic, we will continue to need innovation from both the vaccine makers and producers who make this possible. Granting a one-time waiver will create a precedent of nullifying IP rights for a host of other medicines, which would greatly endanger future innovation and millions of potential patients.

Especially in the face of morphing COVID variants, we need all incentives on the table to protect us against the next phase of the virus. 

Rather than seeking to tear them down those who have performed the miracle of quick, cheap, and effective vaccines, we should continue supporting their innovations by defending their intellectual property rights.

Yaël Ossowski (@YaelOss) is deputy director of the Consumer Choice Center, a global consumer advocacy group.

GOP bill would deter frivolous COVID lawsuits

As customers slowly trickle back into stores and workers punch back in at reopened businesses, one thought dominates all our minds: caution.

Protective plastic shields and screens, face masks and gloves are a new reality, and it is a small price to pay for coming out of state-mandated lockdowns. But months into the all-encompassing coronavirus pandemic, there is another cost many entrepreneurs and administrators fear: future legal bills.

While voluntary precautions will be plentiful in every situation where a customer, student or worker is getting back out in the world, the nature of the virus means it is almost certain that someone, somewhere, will catch the virus. That means huge potential legal ramifications if a person wants to hold an institution or business liable.

A demonstrable lawsuit epidemic already exists. Between March and May of this year, more than 2,400 COVID-related lawsuits have been filed in federal and state courts. These cases are likely to blow up the legal system as we know it, elevating accusations of blame, clogging every level of our courts and keeping judges and lawyers busy for some time.

That is why the idea of a liability shield for schools, businesses and organizations has taken up steam. In a recent letter to congressional leaders, 21 governors, all Republicans, called on both houses of Congress to include liability protections in the next round of coronavirus relief.

“To accelerate reopening our economies as quickly and as safely as possible, we must allow citizens to get back to their livelihoods and make a living for their families without the threat of frivolous lawsuits,” the governors wrote.

While a liability shield will not give cover to institutions that are negligent or reckless, and reasonably so, it would ensure that blatantly frivolous or unfounded lawsuits are not allowed to go forward. For the average entrepreneur or school administrator, this would help alleviate some of the worries that are keeping many institutions and businesses closed or severely restricted.

No one wants customers or workers catching the virus in these environments, but creating 100 percent COVID-free zones would be next to impossible, a fact many scientists are ready to acknowledge. That’s why state governors, lawmakers and business leaders want to ensure that our states can open back up, yet be cognizant of the risk.

There is still plenty of uncertainty related to transmission of the virus, as the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has pointed out, and that is why a liability shield — at least for those who follow health and safety recommendations — makes sense. Businesses and schools that willfully endanger citizens through negligence, though, should rightfully be held liable. This is the idea currently being debated in the nation’s capital, as Senate Republicans have stated they want a liability shield to avoid a lawsuit contagion.

Unfortunately, the idea is likely to be mired in a toxic partisan death spiral. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer of New York decries such a plan as “legal immunity for big corporations” and national reporting on the topic has suggested as much.

But these protections would most benefit small businesses and schools that follow health recommendations and still find themselves the subject of lawsuits. It’s no secret that many attorneys see a potential payday in the wake of the pandemic. Already hundreds of law firms are pitching “coronavirus lawyers.”

And much as in consumer fraud cases before the pandemic, a favorite tool of coronavirus tort lawyers will be large class-action lawsuits that seek huge payouts. These are the cases that usually end up lining the pockets of legal firms instead of legitimately harmed plaintiffs, as a recent Jones Day law firm report finds. And that does not even speak to whether these cases have merit or not.

Whether it’s the local community college or bakery, we must all recognize that assigning blame for virus contraction will be a frequent topic of concern. But those accusations must be founded, and be the result of outright harmful and negligent behavior, not just because students are back in class or customers are once again buying cakes. A liability shield for the responsible citizens of our country is not only a good idea but necessary.

Yaël Ossowski is deputy director of the Consumer Choice Center. This article was published in the Waco Tribune-Herald.

Responsible businesses need COVID-19 liability shields

As customers slowly trickle back into stores and workers punch back in at reopened businesses, there’s one thought on all our minds: caution.

Protective plastic shields and screens, face masks and gloves are a new reality, and it is a small price to pay for coming out of state-mandated lockdowns.

But months into the all-encompassing coronavirus pandemic, there is another cost many entrepreneurs and administrators fear: future legal bills. 

While voluntary precautions will be plentiful in every situation where a customer, student or worker is getting back out in the world, the nature of the virus means it is almost certain that someone, somewhere, will catch the virus. That means huge potential legal ramifications if a person wants to hold an institution or business liable.

In this April 15, 2020, file photo, two people walk past a closed sign at a retail store in Chicago.Nam Y. Huh, AP

There is already a demonstrable lawsuit epidemic. Between March and May of this year, more than 2,400 COVID-related lawsuits have been filed in federal and state courts. These cases are likely to blow up our legal system as we know it, elevating accusations of blame and clogging every level of our courts that will keep judges and lawyers busy for some time.

That is why the idea of a liability shield for schools, businesses and organizations has taken up steam.

In a recent letter to congressional leaders, 21 governors, all Republicans, called on both houses of Congress to include liability protections in the next round of coronavirus relief.

“To accelerate reopening our economies as quickly and as safely as possible, we must allow citizens to get back to their livelihoods and make a living for their families without the threat of frivolous lawsuits,” the governors wrote.

While a liability shield will not give cover to institutions that are negligent or reckless, and reasonably so, it would ensure that blatantly frivolous or unfounded lawsuits are not allowed to go forward.

For the average entrepreneur or school administrator, that would help alleviate some of the worries that are keeping many of these institutions closed or severely restricted.

No one wants customers or workers catching the virus in these environments, but creating 100% COVID-free zones would be next to impossible, a fact many scientists are ready to acknowledge. That’s why state governors, lawmakers and business leaders want to ensure that our states can open back up, but be cognizant of the risk. 

There is still plenty of uncertainty related to the transmission of the virus, as the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has pointed out, and that is why a liability shield — at least for those who follow health and safety recommendations — makes sense. Businesses and schools that willfully endanger citizens through negligence though, should rightfully be held liable.

This is the idea currently being debated in the nation’s capital, as Senate Republicans have stated they want a liability shield to avoid a lawsuit contagion.

Unfortunately, the idea is likely to be mired in a toxic partisan death spiral. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer of New York decries such a plan as “legal immunity for big corporations” and reporting on the topic has resembled such. 

But these protections would most benefit small businesses and schools that follow health recommendations and still find themselves the subject of lawsuits. 

It is no secret that many attorneys see a potential payday in the wake of the pandemic. There are already many law firms pitching “coronavirus lawyers” and many have reassigned entire teams and departments to focus on providing legal advice and counsel for COVID-19 cases. 

And much like in consumer fraud cases before the pandemic, a favorite tool of coronavirus tort lawyers will be large class-action lawsuits that seek huge payouts. These are the cases that usually end up lining the pockets of legal firms instead of legitimately harmed plaintiffs, as a recent Jones Day report finds. And that does not even speak to whether or not these cases have merit or not.

In debating the next level of pandemic relief for Americans, including a liability shield would be a great measure of confidence for responsible and cautious businesses and institutions in our country. 

Whether it is the local community college or bakery, we must all recognize that assigning blame for virus contraction will be a frequent topic of concern. But those accusations must be founded, and be the result of outright harmful and negligent behavior, not just because students are back in class or customers are once again buying cakes.

A liability shield for the responsible citizens of our country is not only a good idea but necessary.

Originally published in the Detroit Times here.


The Consumer Choice Center is the consumer advocacy group supporting lifestyle freedom, innovation, privacy, science, and consumer choice. The main policy areas we focus on are digital, mobility, lifestyle & consumer goods, and health & science.

The CCC represents consumers in over 100 countries across the globe. We closely monitor regulatory trends in Ottawa, Washington, Brussels, Geneva and other hotspots of regulation and inform and activate consumers to fight for #ConsumerChoice. Learn more at consumerchoicecenter.org

Can you sue the ski hut where you contracted coronavirus?

European nations may be opening up their economies throughout the month of May, but that grand opening is likely to be dogged by the wave of COVID-19-related lawsuits.

We learned over the weekend that over 5,000 international tourists to the ski town of Ischgl, Austria are in the process of filing a lawsuit against the town and public officials. There are also being considered against ski resort owners in the area.

The lawsuit is being prepared by the Austrian Consumer Protection Association, which claims health authorities and the bar owners were “negligent” in not shutting down ski huts and restaurants earlier. They launched a website asking potential plaintiffs to share their information in order to join a future class-action lawsuit.

Often described as the “Ibiza of the Alps,” Ischgl made international headlines as an epicenter of the coronavirus crisis. At one particular venue, Kitzloch, a German bartender reportedly tested positive for coronavirus on March 7th. The bar closed its doors two days later. The town went into lockdown on March 13th. Tyrolean Governor Günther Platter then issued a province-wide quarantine on March 18th.

By the end of March, nearly 1,000 cases across Europe could be traced back to the resort town, and as many of 1,500 to the region itself.

The complaint states that the delay from the first known case until the ski town was ordered into lockdown was “negligible” and that authorities should have “known of a threat of mass infection”. Some have even blamed “greed” and “toxic business” as the reason local officials and business owners waited before shuttering doors. But as covered above, ski lodges and restaurants shut before provincial and national lockdowns ordered them to.

The first death in Austria from the coronavirus wasn’t until March 12, after which the town of Ischgl went into complete lockdown. The national lockdown went into effect four days later.

Is this enough to make a case against ski huts and villages where tourists contracted coronavirus?

As my colleague Linda Kavuka has pointed out, the current pandemic is a living and breathing example of Force Majeure, an Act of God that indemnifies certain parties in lawsuits and breaches of contract because it is simply “beyond the control” of any person or organization.

That said, there are legitimate questions to be asked: should ski towns have shuttered their doors and closed down bars and restaurants earlier? Likely. But we simply didn’t have the same information then as we do now.

And considering the very disturbing revelations about obfuscation of information by both the Chinese Communist Party and the World Health Organization at the outset of this crisis, it’s hard to place blame solely at the feet of local mayors and ski hut owners in the Alps.

(That’s why the U.S. states of Mississippi and Missouri have filed lawsuits against China.)

Of course, the fact that any skier or holiday goer would contract the coronavirus at a place where they were supposed to be enjoying themselves is a tragedy. Many people unknowingly spread the virus, were hospitalized themselves and died as a result. No one can excuse that loss of life and the grief that ensues.

But what we must hold uphold, in this situation and many more to come, is the facts and cases we allow to enter our legal system and our courts.

Classifying or assigning claims of negligence in the pandemic could likely mean thousands of unwitting public officials, business owners, and individuals will be held liable for what they didn’t know at the time. That would be a dangerous precedent.

We’ve often covered the incredibly litigious culture in the United States’ tort law system and articulated to reasons to reform it. Now, it seems, we’ll have to spread that same message throughout the European continent.

Coronavirus Pandemic: Fred Roeder, Health Economist on TRT World


The Consumer Choice Center is the consumer advocacy group supporting lifestyle freedom, innovation, privacy, science, and consumer choice. The main policy areas we focus on are digital, mobility, lifestyle & consumer goods, and health & science.

The CCC represents consumers in over 100 countries across the globe. We closely monitor regulatory trends in Ottawa, Washington, Brussels, Geneva and other hotspots of regulation and inform and activate consumers to fight for #ConsumerChoice. Learn more at consumerchoicecenter.org

Coronavirus: la fièvre monte autour de l’Organisation mondiale de la santé et elle est politique

Non sans arrière-pensées électorales, Donald Trump rejoint la cohorte des détracteurs de l’OMS et de sa gestion de la crise

Alors que près de 1,5 million de personnes dans le monde ont été infectées à ce jour par le coronavirus et que plus de 83 000 en sont mortes, selon les données recueillies par la Johns Hopkins University à la date de mercredi, la fièvre monte dangereusement autour de l’Organisation mondiale de la santé (OMS), l’agence des Nations unies pour la santé publique créée en 1948.

S’ajoutant aux critiques émises par beaucoup au sujet du temps perdu au début de la crise pour tirer la sonnette d’alarme, Donald Trump est monté au créneau, mardi, en reprochant à l’OMS de s’être focalisée sur la Chine et d’avoir formulé de mauvais conseils au sujet de l’épidémie. Avant de faire machine arrière, l’hôte de la Maison Blanche, dont les arrière-pensées sont surtout politiques, a menacé de suspendre la contribution américaine à l’organisation.

Ce serait plus qu’un coup dur alors que les Etats-Unis sont les plus gros contributeurs au budget de l’agence –4,8 milliards de dollars pour 2020-2021 entre contributions et dons volontaires et environ 1 milliard de dollars lors de l’exercice 2016-2017, soit un tiers de l’enveloppe totale. Suivent la Fondation Bill et Melinda Gates, le fondateur de Microsoft, avec quelque 600 millions de dollars ; le Royaume-Uni (près de 400 millions) ; Gavi, l’alliance du vaccin (250 millions) ; le Japon (250 millions) et l’Allemagne (200 millions).

La Chine n’arrive qu’au quatorzième rang des donateurs avec 100 millions de dollars, à quasi-égalité avec la France

Susceptibilité. Dans ce tableau, la Chine n’arrive qu’au quatorzième rang des donateurs avec 100 millions de dollars, à quasi-égalité avec la France. Or, l’OMS, aujourd’hui dirigée par l’Ethiopien Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, est très clairement accusée d’être sous l’influence de Pékin qui avait réussi à placer l’une des siennes à sa tête entre 2006 et 2017, en la personne de Margaret Chan.

Tôt ou tard, l’organisation devra expliquer pourquoi elle a tant tardé à reconnaître le virus – apparu officiellement au début de l’année à Wuhan – comme étant transmissible à l’homme et à déclarer l’état de pandémie mondiale – ce qu’elle a finalement fait le 11 mars – si ce n’est, comme accusent les détracteurs de son directeur général, pour ménager la susceptibilité des autorités chinoises. Depuis, sa gestion de la crise et ses recommandations sont loin de faire l’unanimité dans le monde. « Est-il raisonnable de continuer à exclure Taïwan de l’OMS ? » s’interrogeait notamment, début mars, dans les colonnes de l’Opinion, le représentant de Taïpei à Paris, en faisant valoir que l’île (379 cas, 5 morts à ce jour) avait réussi à juguler l’épidémie.

« Il y a un clair besoin de redessiner la mission et la structure de l’Organisation. Aujourd’hui, elle est loin d’être réactive. Elle devrait mener la bataille pas la suivre » commente pour l’Opinion Peter J. Pitts, consultant de la Food and Drug Administration (FDA), l’autorité américaine en matière de médicaments.

« C’est vrai que c’est un organisme international et qu’il ne peut susciter entièrement un consensus. L’OMS doit avoir la capacité et le désir de mener les choses en période de crise. La pandémie actuelle montre qu’elle n’a ni le talent, ni la volonté pour le faire » ajoute l’ancien numéro deux de la FDA, en se démarquant toutefois des récentes critiques de l’hôte de la Maison Blanche. « Le Président Trump cherche quelqu’un à blâmer. Mes commentaires sont un appel à reconnaître et à résoudre le problème. Comme on dit en anglais “Don’t fix the blame. Fix the problem”, c’est-à-dire ne jetons pas l’opprobe, réglons le problème. »

Outre le fait qu’il n’a pas dû apprécier les critiques de Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus sur sa décision de suspendre les liaisons aériennes avec la Chine, en mars dernier, l’hôte de la Maison Blanche ne fait qu’ajouter l’OMS à la liste des coupables à présenter aux Américains à l’approche de l’élection présidentielle du 3 novembre. Pékin y figure déjà en bonne place et si Donald Trump ne parle plus du « virus chinois » comme il le faisait encore il y a peu pour parler du Covid-19, ses amis du parti républicain ne manquent pas d’incriminer Pékin au Congrès et sur les ondes pour la crise sanitaire et économique que traversent actuellement les Etats-Unis.

« L’OMS et son directeur général Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus ont fait copain-copain avec le parti communiste chinois depuis le début de l’épidémie »

« Perroquet ». Présenté comme une organisation de consommateurs proche de la droite dure américaine et des fabricants de tabac, le Consumer Choice Center n’a pas manqué d’embrayer sur les récents propos du Président américain. « Pendant des années, l’OMS a usé de son pouvoir et de ses moyens d’une manière mal avisée contre le vapotage et l’obésité tout en négligeant ce qui devrait être sa priorité : répondre aux crises sanitaires mondiales et aux épidémies (…). On a vu durant l’épidémie Ebola en Afrique de l’Ouest en 2013-2014 qu’elle a été trop lente à réagir et inefficace en matière de politique sanitaire, et on le voit en temps réel avec le Covid-19, dénonçait, mercredi, dans un communiqué Yaël Ossowski, son directeur adjoint. L’OMS et son directeur général Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus ont fait copain-copain avec le parti communiste chinois depuis le début de l’épidémie. Le 19 janvier, ils ont même répété comme un perroquet la version du PCC selon laquelle la transmission du virus de l’homme à l’homme était improbable. Maintenant, il est temps d’envoyer un clair signal pour que l’OMS devienne transparente et rende des comptes pour ses échecs. »

Même si le débat sera sans doute plus feutré, l’organisation qui emploie 8 200 personnes dans 150 pays du monde n’échappera sans doute pas à une remise en question de son organisation et de ses actions.

Originally published here.


The Consumer Choice Center is the consumer advocacy group supporting lifestyle freedom, innovation, privacy, science, and consumer choice. The main policy areas we focus on are digital, mobility, lifestyle & consumer goods, and health & science.

The CCC represents consumers in over 100 countries across the globe. We closely monitor regulatory trends in Ottawa, Washington, Brussels, Geneva and other hotspots of regulation and inform and activate consumers to fight for #ConsumerChoice. Learn more at consumerchoicecenter.org

Як боротьба з коронавірусом може вбити демократію: що відбувається в Європі

Нам знадобилося 75 років, щоб відновити свободу в деяких частинах Європи після тоталітарних жахів Другої світової війни та менше трьох тижнів, щоб знову поставити її на коліна. З коронавірусом на задньому плані, по Європі проносяться тривожні ерозії свободи слова та засобів масової інформації.

Так, минулого тижня парламент Угорщини прийняв закон, який дозволяє лідеру націоналістичного руху країни Віктору Орбану керувати країною безстроково. Закон дає змогу уряду Орбана ув’язнити будь-кого, хто оприлюднив помилкові факти, що заважають “успішному захисту” охорони здоров’я, або можуть створити “плутанину або заворушення”, пов’язані з коронавірусом. Така велика свобода розсуду з боку влади — це смертний вирок свободі слова, що є наріжним каменем демократії.

Віктор Орбан

Свобода слова відіграє найважливішу роль у встановленні відповідальності між урядом та його електоратом, а також забезпечує існування недискримінаційного взаємного потоку спілкування. Коли уряди монополізують цю свободу, демократія — в небезпеці. Віктор Орбан обрав правильну ціль. Навіть незважаючи на те, що Орбан запевняє, що ці закони будуть зняті, коли пандемія закінчиться, політичне минуле Орбана свідчить про протилежне. З часу своєї перемоги у 2010 році Орбан посилив державний контроль над засобами масової інформації, щоб придушити будь-яку опозицію та поетапно підірвати систему стримувань та противаг. “Демократія не обов’язково є ліберальною; Навіть коли державна політика не є ліберальною, вона все ще може бути демократією”, — вважає Орбан.

З такою проблемою зіткнулась не лише Угорщина. У Сербії постанова уряду про централізацію інформації під час надзвичайної ситуації з коронавірусом стала причиною арештів. Першого квітня після повідомлення про дефіцит захисного медичного обладнання, доступного для персоналу медичного центру в Сербії, сербська журналістка Ана Лалич була затримана. Лалич звинуватили у громадських заворушеннях за поширенні неправдивих новин під час надзвичайної ситуації.

Анна Лалич

У Польщі Міністерство охорони здоров’я заборонило медичним консультантам ділитись незалежними висновками щодо епідеміологічної ситуації, стану лікарень та методів захисту від інфекції. За поширення аналогічної інформації лікарів можуть звільнити.

Словенія та Чехія повністю заборонили присутність журналістів на офіційних прес-конференціях. Словенська журналістка, яка подала запит про вжиті урядом заходи щодо боротьби з пандемією, стала об’єктом розмитої кампанії ЗМІ, близької до політичної партії, яка очолює урядову коаліцію, за словами комісара з прав людини Ради Європи Дуни Міятович.

Вільні вибори є ключовою рисою демократичних режимів, але самі по собі є недостатніми. Справжня демократія не може існувати без громадянських прав і, зокрема, права на опір через протести, свободу слова та вільні ЗМІ. 

І на даний момент тяжко уявити кращий привід для швидкого поширення неліберальних ідей, ніж надзвичайна ситуація в галузі охорони здоров’я.

Віктор Орбан / Фото Reuters

Неліберальні уряди вкладають стільки грошей в пропаганду не просто так. Корінь їхньої сили полягає у штучно створених і страхітливих потужних розповідях, які неодноразово і послідовно поширюються, піддаючи цензурі кожен голос незгоди. Свобода вираження поглядів є для демократії тим самим, чим право приватної власності є для економіки. Монополізація одного з них веде до смерті демократії.

Тому вся Європа опинилася в глухому куті. З одного боку, ця пандемія може відвернути нас від неліберальних ідей навіки.

З іншого боку, цей кошмар може перетворитися на постійну реальність Європи, надавши урядам карт-бланш для прийняття суворих законів. Важко придумати більш ефективний спосіб придушити будь-яку потенційну непокору, ніж через використання страху за своє здоров’я. Завдяки високій трансмісивності коронавірусу, цей страх включає також батьків, друзів і буквально всіх дорогих нам людей. Це надає неліберальним урядам можливість маскувати свої тоталітарні ідеї як частину екстрених заходів для припинення пандемії. 

Демократія вкорінюється у свободі слова та медіа, і ми маємо її захищати за будь-яку ціну.

Originally published here.


The Consumer Choice Center is the consumer advocacy group supporting lifestyle freedom, innovation, privacy, science, and consumer choice. The main policy areas we focus on are digital, mobility, lifestyle & consumer goods, and health & science.

The CCC represents consumers in over 100 countries across the globe. We closely monitor regulatory trends in Ottawa, Washington, Brussels, Geneva and other hotspots of regulation and inform and activate consumers to fight for #ConsumerChoice. Learn more at consumerchoicecenter.org

What the NHS can learn from Germany’s Hospital System

Post-Coronavirus, the UK should not shy away from debate over the NHS, and how to achieve better patient outcomes, argues Fred Roeder

When contrasting how countries around the world are coping with COVID-19, over the past few weeks one country has stood out. Germany’s health system has received regular praise for its resilience in facing the COVID-19 pandemic, but what are they doing right?

Germany is one of the most affected countries in Europe but the mortality rates are significantly lower than in most other European countries dealing with the coronavirus. Germany’s capacity to test widely and early has definitely contributed to this but an often underappreciated factor is its very competitive, modern, and often private hospital system.

While the UK currently has fewer confirmed COVID-19 cases, this is probably due to the lack of testing capacities of the NHS, the more interesting and shocking number is that the death rate per 1 million people is four times higher in the United Kingdom compared to Germany. Germany’s mainly private and decentralized testing infrastructure happens mostly outside of hospitals, in private laboratories, and has enabled Germany to conduct as many as 150,000 tests per week. To put that in comparison, the UK has managed less than 10,000 a day so far.

Being the relative of an NHS patient, I had to assist her to go through its byzantine and centralized testing regime, even for simple blood samples. GPs send patients to hospitals just to get their blood taken and analysed. Scaling up such a centralized testing system allows no mistakes to be made. A decentralized and independent system however allows for some parts in the chain to fail and the other still to perform, and crucially allows room for innovation.

Merely 28% of the roughly 1,950 hospitals that participate in Germany’s universal health system are owned by the government. 37% are private for profit hospitals that treat patients covered by the public health insurances and receive the same amount of reimbursement per case as the public ones or the 34% that are operated by churches and other charities. Despite charging the same as government hospitals private for-profit hospitals have the highest investment per case (about 64% higher than public hospitals), which leads to more state-of-the-art treatment and newer medical equipment.

It is also very interesting to look at how private hospitals perform better compared to government hospitals in Germany. Within the first four years one can observe an increase in efficiency of between 3.2% and 5.4% above those hospitals that had not been privatised. Despite its mainly private character Germany has nearly three times as many beds per 100,000 people compared to the UK. It gets even worse when looking at intensive care beds per 100,000. Germany has over 4 times the intensive care capacity compared to the NHS. In recent weeks Germany added another 40% additional capacity to its already high intensive care beds. This number is not reflected in the comparison.

Given that we are currently facing a massive pandemic it is shocking to see how poorly prepared the centralized NHS was, from a lack of protective equipment for clinicians, to its failure to prepare for mass testing. While the hard work of individuals within the health service has done what seemed impossible only weeks ago, and has prepared the NHS to cope with coronavirus, structural issues remain.

A pluralistic hospital system that endorses competition and patient choice such as the German one seems to be in a much better position to cope with potentially tens of thousands of severe COVID-19 cases.

Yes, also in this comparatively better German hospital system patients die and doctors contract COVID-19. Healthcare workers in Germany are also overwhelmed with the amount of cases and patients. But overall it looks like Germany can endure and face this wave in a much more prepared and resilient fashion compared to the NHS which is still facing huge problems mastering this mammoth task.

After we are all through with this we should not shy away from a debate if it’s not time to open up bigger parts of the NHS hospital systems, allow competition and make the health of British patients a priority.

Originally published here.


The Consumer Choice Center is the consumer advocacy group supporting lifestyle freedom, innovation, privacy, science, and consumer choice. The main policy areas we focus on are digital, mobility, lifestyle & consumer goods, and health & science.

The CCC represents consumers in over 100 countries across the globe. We closely monitor regulatory trends in Ottawa, Washington, Brussels, Geneva and other hotspots of regulation and inform and activate consumers to fight for #ConsumerChoice. Learn more at consumerchoicecenter.org

Testing – not lockdowns – may explain why some countries handle Covid-19 better

This is a post by a Guest Author
Disclaimer: The author’s views are entirely his or her own, and don’t necessarily reflect the opinions of the Consumer Choice Center.


There are ongoing debates about who has been better handling the Covid-19 pandemic: testing or lockdown?

With so many people confined to their homes, passions are running high, and there are ongoing debates about who has been better handling the Covid-19 pandemic. So much so that it feels like comparing and contrasting countries and their trajectories has become sort of a global pastime.

Nearly all developed countries (and others) have put their populations under severe lockdowns and emphasized social distancing as the silver bullet against the spread of the virus. Sweden, however, has recently been castigated for failing to put its population under a lockdown like every other country, especially other Nordic countries which it is compared and contrasted against. 

The problem is that it is quite hard to compare the performance of two randomly selected countries. For instance, on every level Norway seems to be doing much better than Sweden. That said, one can always find a bunch of other countries that are doing much worse despite having been under lockdown for some time.

It should be noted that Sweden has made some questionable decisions, regardless of social distancing. It failed to ramp up testing with increasing cases around March 20, and it only closed its nursing homes for visits in early April.

But aren’t lockdowns clearly working? 

Many people have still argued that lockdowns are clearly working because the epidemic has slowed shortly after their imposition. However, it is important that we are careful when inferring that lockdowns were responsible for the decline. There may be a correlation between the two, but as everyone should know, correlation does not necessarily mean causation, and there may be other intervening variables. It is vital that we not jump to conclusions too fast. While many people believe, and many epidemiological models assume, that unchecked epidemics just grow exponentially until more than half of the population gets infected, the evidence for Covid-19 increasingly suggests otherwise. 

Several research papers (e.g. here and here) argued that the dynamics of the Covid-19 pandemic are well-described by exponential functions only at the early stage, after which so-called power-law functions are a much better fit. A detailed study of the outbreak in the initially hit communes in Lombardy also suggests that in each commune, it started slowly, then briefly became exponential and then slowed, all that before any significant intervention.

To help you better understand what the mathematical jargon above means and why it is so important, consider two simple functions, y=2x and y=x2. The first function is exponential and the second function is a power-law one. You will better see the crucial difference between them if they are plotted together.

If these functions were describing an epidemic, then the x-axis would mean rounds of transmission. In the beginning there is one infected person in both cases. Then, until the fifth round the functions seem to grow in at an almost similar speed but afterwards, they diverge dramatically.

When researchers talk about an epidemic growing first exponentially and then in accordance with a power law, they mean that the growth of the epidemic looks like the hybrid function (first, y=2x and y=x2 after round 5) below. Its growth clearly slows a lot after the fifth round.

Why could an epidemic grow exponentially, first, and then slow down on its own? Here, it is important to remember that real societies are complex. Instead of interacting with random people every now and then, people tend to form groups (or clusters, in scientific terminology) and live in local areas within which interactions are much more intense than outside of them. With obvious implications for infection transmission.

What probably changes at the early stage of the epidemic is that so-called superspreader events are much likelier. Such events, where single infected people spread the virus to scores, hundreds or even thousands of people, have clearly played an enormous role in Covid-19. It is enough to mention the Shincheonji Church of Jesus in South Korea, the tragic gathering of French catholics in Mulhouse and the first coronavirus-hit hospitals in Lombardy. At these events, infected people have an opportunity to spread the virus way beyond their clusters of interactions.

After the initial stage, when everyone becomes aware that the epidemic is in the community and significant events are cancelled, the infection may get increasingly isolated within clusters, first, grow slower and then start falling off. The available data is increasingly hinting at this process in play. In Italy, cases appear to have peaked on the day the national lockdown was announced. In the US, they appear to have peaked on March 20.  

Lockdowns could even be counterproductive

A more speculative but still plausible idea is that lockdowns could, in fact, not merely coincide with the slowing-down of Covid-19 without causing it but actually create more damage than they prevent.

Many people believe that if some social distancing (like closing bars or canceling events) is desirable than extreme social distancing like lockdowns that keeps most people at home most of the time must be even more beneficial. However, this potentially ignores two important facts about Covid-19 and viral diseases in general.

First, it is abundantly clear that Covid-19 overwhelmingly spreads in closed, often poorly ventilated spaces and through close contacts. Secondly, as Robin Hanson convincingly argued, there is a wealth of evidence that the severity of viral disease depends on the viral dose received. This means that if families are forced to stay at home together all the time, this may create perfect conditions for the virus to spread and especially cause severe disease.

The data from Google about actual social distancing patterns in several countries hit by Covid-19 shows that Italy, Spain and France have had by far the most extreme social distancing, and the UK was starting to catch up with them after its lockdown. Yet, these four countries have some of the highest fatality rates in the world per population and detected cases.    

Could testing explain things better?

A better way to try to make sense of the causation is to try to identify a bunch of countries that have something important in common. The most important thing in any epidemic is to minimize deaths, and there is a group of countries that seem to have far fewer deaths by population size, and per identified infections, than others. These countries include Iceland, Germany, South Korea, Taiwan, Austria, and Norway. You can see how low their case fatality rates are compared to other countries with a lot of cases here (see the “death rates” column).

What makes those countries succeed in driving down deaths? One would actually be surprised to learn that none of these countries is, or was, under total lockdown. South Korea hasn’t even closed bars and restaurants. This shows that extreme social distancing measures are not necessarily the best explanation.

The real answer may largely lie in how many tests those countries have been doing compared to others. Testing may reduce fatality rates by giving public health responders valuable information and helping to isolate and quarantine those that carry the virus before they spread it to vulnerable groups like the elderly.

Iceland is the absolute champion at testing. It has already conducted 28,992 tests, which is more than 8% of its entire population. It also has the world’s lowest case fatality rate from Covid-19 at 0.38%. Iceland isn’t an anomaly, and using Iceland as an example isn’t cherry picking. Researchers Sinha, Sengupta and Ghosal showed that country death rates from Covid-19 are significantly correlated with the intensity of testing. They did not, however, control for the potential impact of lockdowns and other stringent social distancing measures.

Testing and outcomes by region

In addition to national data, one can also look at regional data where it is available and see if the testing/fatality relationship still holds. Italy has been publishing detailed regional statistics on Covid-19 starting from February 24. If we plot tests per confirmed cases in each region with reported fatalities per million inhabitants, we get the following picture:

The chart surprisingly shows us that Italy’s worst hit region isn’t Lombardy, and that it is actually the little-known Aosta Valley. We also see that there is a clear negative relationship between the intensity of testing and fatality rates. In fact, the former seems to explain more than half of the variation in the latter, and the regression coefficient is statistically significant (the p-value is 0.0003).

To conclude, it will take a long time and careful research to sort out why some countries and regions have gone through the Covid-19 pandemic much less damaged than others. That said, one thing seems to be increasingly clear. When the dust settles it will be clear that testing will be a significant factor, and that the importance of social distancing will be diminished. 

Guest Author: Daniil Gorbatenko


The Consumer Choice Center is the consumer advocacy group supporting lifestyle freedom, innovation, privacy, science, and consumer choice. The main policy areas we focus on are digital, mobility, lifestyle & consumer goods, and health & science.

The CCC represents consumers in over 100 countries across the globe. We closely monitor regulatory trends in Ottawa, Washington, Brussels, Geneva and other hotspots of regulation and inform and activate consumers to fight for #ConsumerChoice. Learn more at consumerchoicecenter.org

Force Majeure during the COVID-19 Pandemic

By Linda Kavuka, Trade Policy Fellow, Consumer Choice Center

Blog Post

Confirmed cases of the novel coronavirus (COVID-19), which first appeared in China at the end of last year, are currently over 800,000 as of April 1st 2020. What was initially seen as a largely China-centric shock has now become a global pandemic. 

Global consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic have included grounding of flights and limited international travel, closure of public markets, issuance of curfews and also lock-down of countries and cities where there has been rapid spread of the virus. Governments have advised employers to allow their staff to work from home, called for closures of schools and banned all social gatherings, including religious meetings. People have been urged to observe very high levels of hygiene and to thoroughly wash hands with soap and water and use sanitizers in the alternative. 

The International business community has not been spared of the said shocks. With the end of the pandemic unclear, the economic impact is expected to be very severe globally. Considering the disruptions to international supply chains that have occurred as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic, it is expected that many players in the International Trade community will be caught up with non-performance of their contractual obligations, and lawsuits shall follow. Does the COVID-19 pandemic qualify for the operation of the Force Majeure clause as a relief to affected parties?

Ordinarily, when entities and individuals trade with each other, they sign contracts that legally bind them to their agreements. The contracts list obligations of the parties and also circumstances that would call for the termination or suspension of the said obligations. One of the circumstances that could excuse non-performance or termination of a contract is legally known as “Force Majeure”, one of the standard clauses of a contract. 

Article 7.1.7 (1) of the UNIDROIT Principles defines Force Majeure as follows:

Non-performance by a party is excused if that party proves that the non-performance was due to an impediment beyond its control and that it could not reasonably be expected to have taken the impediment into account at the time of the conclusion of the contract or to have avoided or overcome it or its consequences.”

If the said Impediment is temporary the defaulting party shall be excused for a reasonable period of time. The Force Majeure Clause only takes effect where the defaulting party gives notice to the other party explaining the impediment and the impact it has had on the expected performance, otherwise the defaulting party shall be liable for damages. In order for a party to rely on the Force Majeure defense, the clause must be included in their contract contract and the impediment causing non-performance of their obligation must be expressly stated.

An example of a Force Majeure clause in a Sale Contract reads as follows:

Either party shall be relieved of all responsibility for any failure or delay for the carrying out of their obligations hereunder due to product discontinuation, manufacturer price changes, supplier price changes, changing market conditions, strikes, riots, civil unrest or an act of civil or military authority, combinations or restrictions of work, Act of God, war, insurrection, fire not caused by its act or omission or that of its servants or invitees on the property, tempest, industrial disputes, an act of a public enemy, a boycott, embargoes, failure of communications systems unavoidable accident or any other circumstances beyond its reasonable control whether or not the same be ejusedem generis with those above.”

Since Pandemics with such severe impacts are uncommon they are usually not expressly provided for in contracts. Events from the past month to date are a clear indication of a situation that is beyond control, and may lead to involuntary breach of contract by parties who fail to meet their contractual obligations. Parties that do not have Force Majeure clauses and are unable to meet their obligations can plead Frustration of Contract which defense does not require prior inclusion in their contracts.

Medical professionals around the world are working tirelessly to find a cure for the COVID-19 virus and are currently testing some combinations of medication. A fact is that we cannot forecast when things will be back to normal and the International trading markets restored. While policy focus by most affected governments has been to provide safety nets for their economies with measures such as food donations and grants to needy families, tax reductions and pay cuts for some officials, unfortunately businesses have been left to think fast and make tough decisions to remain afloat.

Time is of the essence for those who wish to rely on the Force Majeure and Frustration of contract defenses for their non-performance and a reminder that ignorance of the law is not a defense as a rule of thumb. Players of the International trade market and policy makers will all have to act in good faith for the sake of survival as we all anticipate the end of the pandemic, after-which a whole new world order shall begin.


The Consumer Choice Center is the consumer advocacy group supporting lifestyle freedom, innovation, privacy, science, and consumer choice. The main policy areas we focus on are digital, mobility, lifestyle & consumer goods, and health & science.

The CCC represents consumers in over 100 countries across the globe. We closely monitor regulatory trends in Ottawa, Washington, Brussels, Geneva and other hotspots of regulation and inform and activate consumers to fight for #ConsumerChoice. Learn more at consumerchoicecenter.org

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