Recent Media

Dollar Tree’s Rise Sparks Community Backlash Across U.S.

The rise of discount retailers, particularly Dollar Tree, has become a point of contention in small communities across the U.S., with local economies grappling with the consequences of their proliferation.

Recently, the town of Washington, Maine, demonstrated this growing conflict as residents overwhelmingly voted for a six-month moratorium on any major non-residential projects, directly targeting the proposed opening of a Dollar General store. This decision reflects broader concerns shared among local residents about how such chains threaten the character of their community and the livelihood of independent businesses. Sean Donaghy and his wife Amy opened the Washington General Store back in 2015 and quickly became beloved fixtures within the community. But with the potential threat of Dollar General’s establishment, they rallied locals to oppose the move.

“It’s a place where people love to go, have a chat, get a hot coffee,” noted Kathleen Gross, fervently opposed to the development, emphasizing the store’s role as more than just a marketplace. It is, for many, the heart of the town. Residents worry about the impact of dollar stores on local jobs, business vitality, and the diversity of product offerings. They fear not only for the store’s fate but also the overall character of Washington.

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With RFK, ‘Golden Age’ Could Be Golden for Cash-Hungry Lawyers

Should Coke be forced to use cane sugar again? Which food coloring will be banned next? What’s the fate of seed oils in the American diet and school lunches?

These aren’t the musings of some fringe online health influencer; these are the rumored policy priorities of attorney and former Democratic-turned-independent presidential candidate, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., whose Senate confirmation hearing for the position of Secretary of the Department of Health and Human Services finally happens Wednesday morning.

RFK is one of many recent enigmas in American politics to be propelled into the inner circle of President Trump.

As a Democrat and then an independent candidate for president, RFK felt the wrath of both progressive dark money groups and the Democratic National Convention itself. He was stymied by rule changes and lawsuits to prevent him from getting on the ballot in states he needed to qualify. His one-time running mate, Nicole Shanahan, claims left-leaning groups created dozens of well-funded PACs with the singular goal of blocking RFK’s access to run as an independent.

Ironically, what curbed Kennedy’s presidential ambitions before he dropped out was the very tactic he’d championed and perfected his entire career – extreme lawfare.

There has already been plenty of ink spilled on RFK’s views on vaccines, corruption of federal agencies, or even whether he’s a secret fan of nicotine pouches like Zyn. But little has been said about his very public career as a tort lawyer, one hell-bent on stopping innovation, development, and even clean energy projects.

Name a high-profile lawsuit against a major company or project and RFK has had some hand in it: DuPont, Monsanto, the Dakota Access pipeline, and the shuttering of the Indian Point nuclear power station in New York City, which decimated NYC’s carbon-neutral electricity generation goals, just to name a few.

As counsel for the infamous injury law firm Morgan & Morgan, the green group Riverkeeper, as well as his own firm, Kennedy and Madonna LLP, RFK made his name on environmental cases that scored him six-figure attorney fees from companies rushing to settle. For years, RFK was the preeminent plaintiff attorney who could sway a jury or a judge for high-dollar settlements.

His name recognition alone was chief to his practice of injury law.

While many of RFK’s cases took on obvious pollution that harmed people, such as mountaintop removal miningof coal or dumping in the Hudson River, his crusades against nuclear power, hydroelectricity, oil pipelines, and even wind power have left many concerned that his legal pursuits from this past life will bleed over into his new one serving in the Trump administration.

Even President Trump acknowledged this when he promised on the campaign trail to “keep Bobby away from the liquid gold,” a nod of recognition to RFK’s history of legal battles with oil firms that could unlock Trump’s goal of a “golden age.”

How will he now use his power if he’s confirmed to a cabinet-level position to oversee the government’s largest civilian bureaucracy? Will it be open season on medical device companies that offer life-saving products and are regulated by Kennedy’s agency? Will industrial farmers who feed our country have to dodge hordes of both private sector and HHS lawyers to avoid costly verdicts or fines?

“There’s more opportunities for plaintiffs’ lawyers and those involved in mass tort to be more bullish in the next four years,” said Steve Nober, founder and CEO of Consumer Attorney Marketing Group, in comments to Bloomberg Law.

Many consumer advocates who care about innovation and affordable goods are leery about elevating a well-heeled lawyer who has spent most of his career tearing down and obstructing free enterprise to lead such a powerful agency like HHS.

Though there are a myriad of health care and diet issues in the United States that HHS could credibly take action on, it isn’t clear that RFK will discriminate between his agenda and Trump’s.

If RFK is opening the taps to his former colleagues in the trial bar, attorneys who can smell an opportunity for a large lawsuit or settlement a mile away, then consumers are in for a long and costly ride. Trump’s “golden age” would be lost.

Originally published here

Canada should follow Trump’s lead and withdraw from the WHO

U.S. President Donald Trump is no friend to Canada, and his tariff threats are a menacing shadow as we approach his Feb. 1 deadline. Yet, while the president seems intent on shattering the foundations of the world’s most symbiotic trade relationship, causing both economic and political turmoil in Canada, some of his policies are worth looking at, particularly his departure from the World Health Organization (WHO).

On his first day in office, Trump signed an executive order withdrawing the United States from the WHO, pointing a spotlight on the organization’s mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic, along with its broader failures in global health crises, its refusal to undergo necessary reforms and its evident allegiance to the political inclinations of its member states.

And for anyone who thought he was bluffing, he doubled down by ordering the U.S. Centres for Disease Control to stop working with the WHO altogether.

Canada, with its reflexive opposition to anything Trump does — often for good reasons — should take a moment to consider that even a stopped clock is right twice a day. If Canada were to withdraw its hefty contribution to the WHO, $204 million in 2022-23, it might well be closing time for this broken and mismanaged institution.

Trump, in his bombastic fashion, is right when he accuses the WHO of botching its response to COVID-19. From the outset, the WHO has failed in its primary duties. It was late in declaring a Public Health Emergency of International Concern and its own review of the response was nothing short of a condemnation.

In the early stages, WHO officials tweeted that there was no clear evidence of human-to-human transmission. The tweet, which is hilariously still online, was posted on the same day that the WHO’s technical lead on COVID gave a presentation in Geneva saying the exact opposite.

Why would the WHO tweet something its own staff disagreed with? Because it was placating China. The now infamous tweet was posted to provide “balance” based on the data coming from the Chinese Communist Party.

The problem is that the Chinese government already knew about human-to-human transmission, and delayed communicating that fact for another six days. The consequences of the WHO bending to the will of an authoritarian regime cannot be understated.

The WHO’s missteps are undeniably attributable to its suspicious relationship with China. The organization’s allegiance to China became embarrassingly clear when WHO director general Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus’ senior advisor, Canadian epidemiologist Bruce Aylward, hung up during an interview rather than discuss Taiwan — a moment that spoke volumes about WHO’s integrity, or lack thereof.

While these tragic mistakes put the organization’s credibility in the crosshairs, it then flip-flopped on key health policies like the utility of masks, the value of travel bans and testing protocols.

In early 2020, the WHO suggested masks should only be worn by health-care workers and those experiencing symptoms. Come June, it flipped, recommending fabric masks for all, leading to confusing, politically charged mask policies around the world.

Anyone who flew during this time remembers the farce of requiring masks on the plane, only to have everyone remove them to eat, rendering the whole exercise useless. Or the miserable experience of entering a restaurant with a mask on, taking it off to eat, but being told to put it back on while heading to the washroom.

The COVID-19 fiasco should have been a wake-up call for the WHO’s reform, yet no such overhaul seems likely. Instead, the WHO marches on with its prohibitionist, anti-scientific stance on matters like alcohol and vaping.

On vaping, the WHO has advocated for draconian restrictions, ignoring the evidence from Public Health England that vaping is 95 per cent less harmfulthan smoking and aids in smoking cessation. Such policies, as Yale University research has shown, ironically serve to increase smoking rates — a contradiction of the WHO’s own mission.

And on alcohol, the WHO has peddled the myth that there’s “no safe” amount, a position that flies in the face of research from the National Academy of Sciences, Engineering and Medicine, whose research found that moderate drinkers live longer than non-drinkers. Similar findings have been detailed innumerous peer-reviewed studies for decades.

Why does the WHO push bad science when good science is available? That’s unclear, but it may have to do with the fact that the researchers the WHO relies on for its work on alcohol have openly declared ties to neo-prohibitionist groups like Movendi.

The WHO’s narrative seems more influenced by neo-prohibitionist agendas than by science, and that should worry anyone who cares about public health. Not to mention that the organization, even prior to the pandemic, was spending upwards of $200 million per year on travel, which is about what we as Canadian taxpayers spend to fund this bloated monstrosity.

Instead of aligning with this compromised organization, Canada might consider spearheading a NATO-like health alliance with democratic nations, focusing on genuine public health, free from the puppet strings of authoritarian regimes like China’s. It’s high time we acknowledge that the WHO has become more a part of the problem than the solution.

Originally published here

DOGE Is Right To Defang the CFPB

With a big tech-powered magnifying glass on federal websites, spending contracts, and government payment systems, Elon Musk’s band of DOGE system admins have been turning Washington inside out in their hunt for waste, fraud, and abuse.

One of the most prized agencies on the chopping block is the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, heralded by progressives as an indispensable force for helping consumers wronged by financial institutions, but derided by fintech investors and conservatives as little more than a government “shakedown agency.” Consumers will be better off without the CFPB breathing down the neck of American companies. 

Since the inauguration of President Trump, the CFPB’s temporary leadership put an immediate halt on all work, also informing the Federal Reserve, which directly funds the agency, that it would no longer seek new funding. 

Sen. Elizabeth Warren, the intellectual force behind the agency’s founding, has been apoplectic. She’s argued that Trump is “firing the financial cop on the beat that makes sure your family doesn’t get scammed.”

The origin of the CFPB goes back to the rubble of the 2008 financial crisis when legislators saw this proposed agency as a viable response to the populist backlash engulfing Washington and Wall Street. Instead of penalizing wrongdoers, Congress funded bank bailouts and launched a “watchdog” group. The 2010 Dodd-Frank Financial Reform Act mandated new standards for lending, restricted capital that could be tapped for bank loans, and created the CFPB to police consumer finance. 

All functions performed by the five former federal banking supervisory agencies were rolled into the CFPB, granting it sole jurisdiction over non-depository firms and financial institutions with over $10 billion in assets. This empowered the agency to issue regulatory guidance, demand information from financial institutions, and launch civil actions in federal court.

Supporters of the CFPB point to an impressive record of close to $20 billion in consumer relief, as well as an additional $5 billion in civil penalties. Without the CFPB, fraudsters and scams would metastasize and consumer injustice would run wild, so they say. But this couldn’t be further from the truth.

As a regulatory agency with civil litigation authority, the CFPB is emboldened to file high-dollar lawsuits against financial firms. An estimate of the CFPB’s database of enforcement actions reveals that roughly 85% of all cases are settled out of court before a final ruling.

Companies often choose to settle, but this shouldn’t be mistaken for an admission of guilt. In a litigious society such as the United States where companies are routinely targeted in frivolous lawsuits, the court of public opinion matters just as much as the court of law. 

Firms prefer settling cases over having their name dragged through the mud for months on end in the media, something tort lawyers call a “nuisance settlement.” These expected costs are baked into large firms’ financial projections and are sometimes factored into pricing their goods and services for consumers. 

The CFPB is more akin to a state-backed tort law firm that can tap the nation’s central bank for resources while exploiting its do-gooder reputation for easy PR victories.

Rather than smart regulatory guidance to oversee a new generation of consumer finance firms, CFPB has relied on quick settlements out of court to squash innovative upstarts.

While CFPB enforcement has been successful in penalizing banks and lenders for how loans are structured or advertised, it does not take much imagination to see how this has impacted the investing climate for new competitors. Since CFPB’s founding, there are now 35% fewer financial institutions remaining for consumers to choose from, down from 15,000 to just roughly 9,000 today.

While there is high consumer demand for fintech, payment apps, and account offerings, including Bitcoin and cryptocurrency banks, CFPB’s chilling actions have slowed that innovation, leading to the recent calls for the agency to be gutted. And they’re right.

Most of CFPB’s functions are mirrored at the FTC on everything but finance. Regional Federal Reserve banks are also responsible for bank oversight and regulation, not to mention state banking regulators. Existing regulators have the reach, experience, and know-how to police would-be fraudsters and outright deceptive practices among banks. Why not let them?

For consumers who want next-level services and financial products, there is no question that CFPB’s litigious approach has impacted their ability to access credit and financial services. There must be a better way to regulate our financial institutions and protect consumers than a tort law firm with government authority. Congress could fold elements of the CFPB into the FTC, OCC, or even FDIC, and bad actors will still be policed. 

Consumers deserve to be protected, and they will be, but they also deserve a regulatory structure that rewards innovation and brings financial products to market that they can choose between.

The CFPB is due for defanging.

Yaël Ossowski is deputy director at the Consumer Choice Center and author of the report, “A financial fraud crackdown won’t protect consumers from scams.”

Originally published on RealClear Politics.

Bahaya Kebijakan Regulasi Minuman Beralkohol yang Terlalu Ketat

Kebijakan terkait dengan minuman beralkohol kerap menjadi isu yang menimbulkan pro dan kontra di berbagai negara di dunia. Aspek kesehatan hingga dampak sosial dari minuman beralkohol kerap menjadi fokus utama dalam kebijakan minuman beralkohol yang diterapkan di berbagai tempat.

Di Indonesia misalnya, aturan yang memberlakukan regulasi ketat terkait minuman beralkohol merupakan hal yang bisa kita temukan dengan mudah. Berdasarkan penelitian dari lembaga independen Komite Pemantauan Pelaksanaan Otonomi Daerah (KPPOD), setidaknya ada 428 peraturan daerah di Indonesia yang meregulasi peredaran minuman beralkohol, di mana 11% dari aturan tersebut mencantumkan pelarangan total (kppod.org, 2021).

Salah satu aturan tersebut yang paling dikenal adalah peraturan Qanun di provinsi Aceh, yang merupakan provinsi yang menerapkan hukum Syariah di Indonesia. Dalam aturan yang diberlakukan sejak tahun 2003 tersebut, seluruh kegiatan produksi dan konsumsi minuman beralkohol dilarang dan diberi sanksi yang keras (kompas.com, 28/6/2022).

Daerah lain misalnya, yang menerapkan varian lain dari regulasi ketat untuk minuman beralkohol adalah kabupaten Sleman. Di daerah tersebut misalnya, minuman beralkohol hanya bisa dijual di hotel mewah minimum yang berbintang 4 dan hanya boleh diminum di tempat. Selain itu, pasar swalayan besar seperti Hypermart juga bisa menjual minuman tersebut tetapi hanya yang golongan A (alkohol maksmium 5%) seperti bir (mediacenter.slemankab.go.id, 2/8/2024).

Adanya berbagai aturan tersebut, mulai dari regulasi sangat ketat hingga pelarangan total, dimaksudkan untuk mengurangi insentif seseirang untuk mengonsumsi minuman beralkohol. Tetapi, justru berdasarkan penelitian yang sudah dilakukan, regulasi minuman beralkohol yang terlalu ketat malah menimbulkan dampak yang kontra produktif dan menimbulkan efek yang negatif dan membahayakan. Dengan regulasi yang terlalu ketat hingga pelarangan total, maka hal ini akan semakin menyuburkan peredaran produk-produk ilegal yang sangat berbahaya.

Lembaga riset Center for Indonesian Policy (CIPS) misalnya, melakukan riset dampak dari aturan tersebut di 6 kota di Indonesia. Hasil dari riset tersebut menemukan bahwa, meskipun ada pemberlakuan aturan pelarangan peredaran minuman beralkohol, hal tersebut tidak membuat penduduk yang tinggal di kota tersebut menjadi berhenti mengonsumsi produk tersebut.

Bedasarkan wawancara misalnya, di kota Palembang, rata-rata konsumsi alkohol dengan volume ABV yang tinggi (spirits) dan bir masing-masing adalah 3,7 liter per tahun. Sementara itu, di kota lain sepeeti malang misalnya, konsumsi rata-rata per tahun sekitar 1,8 liter untuk bir, dan 2,5 liter untuk spirits (cips-indonesia.org, 2016).

Namun, dari konsumsi alkohol tersebut tidak semuanya dari produk yang legal. Tidak sedikit konsumen yang justru beralih ke minuman alkohol ilegal, atau yang dikenal juga dengan istilah minuman beralkohol oplosan. Tidak jarang, konsumsi minuman ilegal ini berakibat fatal hingga menyebabkan kematian. Dalam 9 bulan pertama tahun 2016 saja, tercatat ada sekitar 127 jiwa melayang karena konsumsi minuman beralkohol oplosan yang ilegal (cips-indonesia.org, 2016).

Hal ini terus berlanjut hingga tahun-tahun sebelumnya. Belum lama ini misalnya, terjadi kejadian yang memprihatinkan, di mana ada sekitar 3 pemuda di kota Sukabumi di provinsi Jawa Barat yang meninggal setelah mengonsumsi minuman beralkohol ilegal yang sangat berbahaya. Mereka sempat dicoba dibawa ke rumah sakit terdekat, tetapi nyawanya tidak bisa diselamatkan (detik.com, 27/6/2024).

Kejadian memprihatinkan seperti ini tentunya bukan hanya terjadi di Indonesia, dan ada banyak pelajaran yang bisa kita ambil dari negara-negara lain. Amerika Serikat misalnya, pada tahun 1920-1933 juga melarang minuman beralkohol, yang dikenal dengan nama prohibition era. Tetapi hal ini justru tidak membuat masyarakat Amerika berhenti mengonsumsi minuman beralkohol, dan justru menyuburkan peredaran minuman ilegal yang diproduksi oleh kelompok kriminal terorganisir seperti kelompok mafia (theguardian.com, 26/8/2012).

Selain itu, aspek lain yang juga sangat penting untuk diperhatikan adalah, korban dari adanya aturan larangan minuman beralkohol adalah kalangan kelas menengah ke bawah. Kelompok tersebut sangat rentan untuk menjadi korban dari minuman beralkohol ilegal karena keterbatasan ekonomi yang mereka miliki, dan mereka tidak sanggup untuk membeli minuman beralkohol yang legal, yang hanya dijual di hotel mewah saja misalnya dengan harga yang sangat tinggi (dw.com, 23/4/2018).

Dengan demikian, adanya aturan regulasi yang terlalu ketat hingga pelarangan dalam implementasinya merupakan aturan yang diskriminatif terhadap kalangan yang tidak mampu dan menengah ke bawah. Masyarakat yang dari kelas menengah ke atas memiliki sumber daya untuk membeli produk minuman beralkohol yang legal dengan harga yang tinggi, atau pergi ke wilayah lain yang memperbolehkan peredaran produk tersebut, di mana hal tersebut tidak bisa dilakukan oleh mereka yang dari kelas menengah ke bawah.

Sebagai penutup, adanya regulasi minuman beralkohol tentu merupakan hal yang perlu, sebagaimana yang diberlakukan di negara-negara lain. Namun, hal tersbeut harus berfokus pada keamanan dan keselamatan konsumen, serta memastikan produk tersebut tidak dikonsumsi oleh anak-anak di bawah umur. Jangan sampai, aturan yang terlalu ketat justru menimbulkan dampak yang kontra produktif yang membahayakan.

Originally published here

The European Union should not choose fear over a measured response to food dyes

It is time to rethink food regulations. The EFSA should revise its attempt to eliminate all risks, in favor of risk-based management which aims to minimize all possible dangers

European Union officials might feel vindicated after the United States Food and Drug Administration decided to ban erythrosine on the 15th of January 2025. Displayed under the number E127 on EU labels, erythrosine is typically used to give food and drinks a vibrant red color. Since 1994, however, Europe has banned its use in anything other than cocktails and candy cherries, citing supposed worries around E127 and public health in the form of hyperactivity and thyroid problems, including a potential link to higher rates of thyroid cancer. Europeans could claim that they have been keeping consumers safer for much longer than America.

Any such boasting on the issue would be uncalled for. Seeing another agency reach the same conclusion does not give the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA), the main body responsible for overseeing the safety and quality of the EU’s food, permission to set aside the scientific and economic facts out of over-precaution.

The EFSA makes much of the hyperactivity claim, citing it as the main reason for outlawing E127 as early as 1994. The reality is that evidence of erythrosine’s harm is limited. Studies that find a link between the dye and hyperactivity and imbalances in the thyroid gland cite what statisticians like to call a small effect size. Put simply, food dyes account for a small part of a much larger problem. Other factors, like personal genetics and underlying environmental factors, better explain children and young adults’ smaller attention spans.

More serious accusations of erythrosine causing thyroid cancer in adults that the EFSA has toyed with are even less well-grounded. Reliable findings refer mainly toexperiments on male mice. Of course, one substance being toxic to mice does not make it harmful to humans.

To its credit, the EFSA acknowledges more evidence is needed in its 2011 reassessment of E127, where any potential to create tumors “may be considered of limited relevance to humans” and not related to any changes in cell structure  (“genotoxic activity”). Still, it feels the need to keep the substance restricted from the mere possibility of it happening.

Quantity matters, too. Too much or too little, no matter how good or bad, can lead to problems. As such, the EFSA establishes an acceptable daily intake, the amount anyone can consume without threatening an average person’s health. The threshold for erythrosine is relatively low at just 0.1mg per kilogram per day. Yet the consumption rate for 95% of all adults is a mere fraction of that number at 0.0031 mg per kilogram per day, posing no danger to most people. Despite this fact from the EFSA’s own figures, the agency has yet to revise its attitude to E127.

More than anything attempts to create “purely organic” food will collide with the economic realities businesses and consumers face. Items using natural colorants have a much shorter shelf life, forcing manufacturers to use more additives and add extra preservatives to keep their products viable. These workarounds result in more expensive food to make and stock, leaving consumers with fewer and pricier choices than before.

Therefore, instead of mutual congratulations, it is time to rethink food regulations and avoid future mistakes. In a September 2024 article on tackling emerging risks, the EFSA recognizes the need to improve its overall risk communication.

Though a pertinent suggestion, it should only be the start of reform. The regulatory body must revise its generally precautionary instincts (a futile attempt to eliminate all risks) in favor of risk-based management, which aims to minimize all possible dangers.

At the same time, EU policymakers should address substances based on all available evidence rather than preconceived notions that equate “natural” with “good” and “artificial” with “bad”. Real vindication does not come from feeling superior but from improving consumer well-being.

Originally published here

Time to take a pop at GST absurdities

The GST Council (Goods and Service Tax) recently announced a bewildering array of extra tax rates for popcorn, sparking an understandable backlash among economists, businesses, and consumers alike. Salted and spiced popcorn is taxed at 5 per cent if loose, 12 per cent if prepackaged and labelled, and 18 per cent if caramelized. While intended for clarity, this new classification has done more harm than good, causing confusion, adding up needless compliance costs, and leaving consumers bearing the brunt of the damage in the form of higher prices and fewer choices. 

The GST system was introduced with the promise of a “Good and Simple Tax.” Yet decisions like this demonstrate how far it has deviated from that vision. Former Chief Economic Adviser K.V. Subramanian aptly summarized the situation: “Complexity is a bureaucrat’s delight and citizens’ nightmare.” The popcorn tax serves as a perfect example of this. A simple grocery store or movie theatre purchase now comes with a dilemma. Is the popcorn pre-packaged? Is it salted or caramel? Each of these questions determines the tax rate and, ultimately, what consumers pay at the counter. These convoluted policies hit the middle and lowerincome groups the hardest, where a small price hike on household essentials can significantly impact budgets.

As one social media user pointed out, this could pave the way for taxing entire restaurant menus differently based on ingredients. Such granular taxation complicates compliance and restricts consumer freedom by penalizing certain choices over others. Moreover, this fragmented approach disproportionately affects small businesses. Smaller popcorn manufacturers and vendors, already operating on thin margins, now face additional compliance burdens. For many, this could mean passing costs onto consumers or shutting down altogether, further reducing options in the market. The popcorn tax exposes a deeprooted issue within India’s GST structure: the strong obsession with micromanagement and over-classification. Taxation should be neutral, refraining distortions that favour one service or product over another. Instead, policies like these fail to regard consumers, the very individuals the tax system is meant to serve.

The GST Council’s decision also raises concerns about transparency and accountability. While the Council justifies that caramel popcorn falls under the “sugar confectionery” category, critics highlighted the inconsistencies in its classification rationale. For instance, previous rulings on similar products have applied lower tax rates despite the presence of added sugar. The popcorn tax isn’t just about popcorn; it’s a symptom of underlying issues plaguing India’s GST system. It highlights the need for a transparent, simplified, and consumercentric tax regime that emphasizes fairness and minimizes bureaucratic complexity. India’s popcorn tax fiasco is not without precedent. Positive examples from other countries highlight how unnecessary India’s GST policy is. New Zealand’s Goods and Services Tax system is often hailed as one of the simplest in the world. Unlike India’s fragmented approach, New Zealand applies a flat GST rate across almost all goods and services, with very few exemptions. This simplicity reduces compliance costs for businesses and ensures that consumers are not burdened with hidden or arbitrary price hikes. The contrast is stark. Where India’s GST causes confusion and inefficiency, New Zealand’s straightforward model fosters fairness and transparency. 

The lesson is simple: a streamlined tax system benefits everyone from businesses and policymakers to consumers. The popcorn tax, criticized by industry experts and economists, is just another example of how complex classifications can stifle consumer choice. Indian policymakers should take notes from New Zealand’s playbook. By removing excessive classifications and simplifying tax rates, GST can finally live up to its promise of being a “Good and Simple Tax.” Until then, consumers will bear the brunt of a system that favors bureaucracy over practicality.

Originally published here

Should U.S. Billionaires Dictate Health Policy Overseas?

New York’s former Mayor Michael Bloomberg, known for his obsession with paternalistic policies such as banning Big Gulps, or even just the arrogant statement that sin taxes’ regressive effect on poor people is good because they lack the proper education, has continued being active in the world of public health through Bloomberg Philanthropies. 

The charity arm of Bloomberg, to which he has pledged the majority of his wealth, estimated at over $50 billion, is highly political.

A reasonable assumption would be that a foundation focused on improving public health would support research into curing cancer, investigating rare diseases and orphan drugs, or alleviating the pain and suffering of American patients. After all, if the ambition of giving back to the country in which he amassed his billions were to be the goal, that would appear to be a laudable action.

However, Bloomberg has just continued his nonsensical political battles in the nonprofit world and expanded all around the world. Its latest obsession: (misguided) tobacco control in Vietnam.

In late November, the Socialist Republic of Vietnam passed a law that would ban nicotine alternatives such as vapes and heated tobacco products. Together with the World Health Organization (WHO), Bloomberg Philanthropies “supported” — most likely meaning financially — efforts to ban safer nicotine products. 

Curiously, conventional cigarettes, with all the adverse health effects we have all known about for many decades, remain both legal and sold by Vietnam’s own billion-dollar state-owned tobacco monopoly, Vinataba. With its 12,000+ employees and $8 billion in revenue, which is about 12% of Vietnam’s yearly tax revenue, the Vietnam National Tobacco Company is a not-so-insignificant money collector for the state. 

So, while Bloomberg and the WHO sell this as a victory for public health, officials in Hanoi are more likely to view it as a means of neutralizing competition in its monopoly.

The question is: While the Vietnamese state might have something to gain from a financial decision veiled as a public health boost, why does Bloomberg support a measure that drives people away from devices that help people quit smoking and bring them back to conventional cigarettes?

We need not look for any particular conspiracy here; it’s not money that the New York billionaire needs more of. His charitable foundation is nothing but the elongated arm of his paternalistic and ideological obsession.

Whether it’s sugar, fat, or nicotine, the public health brigade stops at nothing to regulate choices they deem unhealthy.

But at least for sugar and fat, there’s a case to be made that they aren’t healthy choices to begin with. The public utility of a Big Gulp is that as a consumer, I want to have it, not that I need it, and yes, in a free society, that needs to be enough of a reason to keep it. 

Sugar, like any other product, can be consumed in moderation. However, the substitution effect of nicotine alternatives like vapes and heaters goes beyond that because they help people quit harmful cigarettes. E-cigarettes are around 95% less harmfulthan conventional cigarettes, according to Public Health England, and thus serve a public health objective instead of worsening it.

The problem is that while in developed countries, there are institutions and think tanks able to counterbalance the influence of Bloomberg’s vast array of ideological lobbying for the Nanny State, developing nations are much less equipped to do so in the absence of sufficient public debate. This makes them easy targets for the former New York mayor.

As Michelle Minton lays out in a blog post, the American nonprofit Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids (CTFK), which is funded by Bloomberg, is actively drafting legislation of lobbying for similar types of restrictions on nicotine alternatives in the Philippines, Ukraine, Bosnia, Latin American countries, as well as Africa.

Countries face differing challenges in reducing their smoking rates, which is why they all pursue different policies. Having an American billionaire steamrolling their sometimes legitimate efforts to improve public health with an ideological approach that will backfire, is not just counterproductive, it might very well be the most unhealthy approach of all.

Originally published here

RFK Jr. Can’t Escape His Progressive Record

Cabinet confirmation hearings began in Washington last week for several of President Trump’s picks for top jobs in government. While Marco Rubio passed the gauntlet, we’re still waiting on word of a scheduled hearing for Trump’s most controversial picks: Tulsi Gabbard for director of national intelligence and Robert F. Kennedy Jr. to head the Department of Health and Human Services. 

RFK’s confirmation will be a blockbuster show of D.C. division, and it should be. The Kennedy heir is not aligned with the MAGA agenda.

Confirmation hearings are famously scripted and predictable. Republicans and Democrats play impressed ally or suspicious truth-seeker for the C-SPAN cameras and bank as many loaded questions as they can for their future campaign ads showing them as fighters. We don’t know what will happen with several nominees, RFK most of all.

The Democrat attorney-turned-failed presidential candidate and successor to the Kennedy family dynasty is maybe the second-most gonzo political figure of our time, behind only Trump. Barack Obama wanted him to head the EPA back in 2008, and today you can find him discussed on Joe Rogan and labeled “the most erudite” and “shrewd” lawyer who has “never lost a case,” according to actor and director Mel Gibson.

For Democrats, there is skepticism about his somewhat fringe views on vaccines and willingness to flirt with conspiracy theories, whether or not they agree with his overall health agenda. Hawaii Democratic Gov. Josh Green called Kennedy “dangerous,” at the same time New Jersey Sen. Cory Booker seems to be on board with Kennedy’s plan for nutrition and public health.

Republican senators are similarly confused about how to approach voting for Kennedy.

Gibson wasn’t wrong. RFK is a seasoned environmental activist and attorney who has worked overtime to foil the GOP’s pro-market policy agenda, and it’s still unclear if he believes in the weaponization of government power to carry out his more progressive ideology. For years, RFK’s public statements demonstrate his instinct toward an interventionist progressive government that could “prosecute” Americans deemed climate skeptics and jail the GOP megadonor Charles Koch in the Hague as a “war criminal.”

RFK had a direct hand in halting some vital energy projects that practically every Republican or conservative would be appalled by blocking today.

In his home state of New York, Kennedy succeeded in shutting down not only natural gas fracking but also the shutdown of the carbon-free Indian Point nuclear reactor. He sued to stop hydroelectricity projects in Canada, the Dakota Access pipeline, and even wind farms off the Massachusetts coast.

The organization he represented for years, the National Resources Defense Council, has been a principal player in trying to kill the forestry indistry in the Pacific Northwest and western Canada, which supplies most of the lumber in American homes.

These are serious red flags that demonstrate a value misalignment.

RFK’s MAGA conversion came about thanks only to political convenience. He committed ‘wrongthink’ during the COVID pandemic and needed a new home for his multimillion-dollar activism.

For Republican senators who support the broader aims of MAGA, shouldn’t RFK’s past exploits in courtrooms, legislatures and interviews play a bigger part in whether he’s the right pick for the job to run the country’s largest federal bureaucracy?

His boosters will say that RFK’s focus will be limited to public health and nutrition, but if the Joe Biden years have taught us anything, it’s just how intrusive and all-encompassing an agency like HHS can be. Trump vows he’ll “keep Bobby away from the liquid gold,” meaning oil and gas exploration, but there is no erasing the environmental lawyer’s decades-long record of depriving Americans of more affordable energy.

Right now, environmental activists are launching costly and damaging lawsuits against energy firms claiming their products are damaging Americans’ health and that of future generations. HHS could absolutely play a part in this effort to hamstring U.S. oil and gas, and RFK’s record suggests he would support it.

For these reasons, RFK is a puzzling pick for a rare moment where Republicans hold a trifecta majority in government. There’s no time to waste in making the most of Trump’s agenda. Republicans and Democrats, especially conservatives, should be preparing tough questions for RFK that go beyond cable news theatrics.

Originally published here

Did Trump issue tariffs against Canada today?

Newly inaugurated U.S. President Donald Trump stopped short of implementing 25 per cent tariffs against all Canadian imports on day one but hinted the measure might be just around the corner during his inaugural address on Monday (Jan. 20).

Speaking at an indoor ceremony at the Capitol Rotunda in Washington D.C., Trump didn’t address Canada by name, but focused on the southern border with Mexico, taking aim at perceived threats surrounding illegal immigration and crime.

Addressing a slew of executive orders, Trump confirmed his plans to establish the “External Revenue Service” he said will collect tariffs, duties and revenues from foreign sources.

“Instead of taxing our citizens to enrich other countries, we will tariff and tax foreign countries to enrich our citizens,” Trump announced.

Make other nations pay?

Trump doubled down on his claims that he will make foreign nations pay heavy tariffs, despite warnings from economists that tariffs will lead to higher prices for Americans.

According to Export Development Canada, buyers are usually responsible for paying tariffs and many importers pass these costs down to consumers by charging higher prices.

The Wall Street Journal reported earlier on Monday that Trump planned to issue a broad memorandum to direct federal agencies to study trade policies and evaluate the U.S. trade relationships with China, Mexico and Canada. But the directive stopped short of imposing new tariffs on Trump’s first day in office.

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Az EU-s pénzek csak tönkreteszik a versenyt és a vállalkozói szellemet Magyarországon

Egy karácsony előtti nyüzsgő szombat este a belvárosi éttermekben élénk csevegést és poharak csörömpölését várnánk. És mégis: egy ideális helyen levő létesítmény kísértetiesen üres volt. Amikor megosztottam ezt a furcsaságot egy barátommal, aki maga is étterem-tulajdonos, éles megjegyzést tett: “Ha én is ennyit kaptam volna az uniós támogatásokból, engem is zavarnának a vendégek”.

Ez az egyszerű meglátás sokat elmond a magyarországi üzleti élet helyzetéről. A növekedés és fejlődés elősegítésére szánt uniós források egy olyan rendszert hoztak létre, amely az innováció helyett a kapcsolatokat, a a szolgáltatás helyett az állami támogatásokat, a vevői elégedettség helyett pedig a támogatási kérelmeket jutalmazza.

A magyar gazdaság olyannyira eltorzult, hogy az ügyfelekért folytatott verseny másodlagos az uniós pénzekért folytatott versenyhez képest, amelyek mostanra szintén szűkössé váltak.

Ez a torzulás messze túlmutat egyetlen üres étteremnél. Egy olyan rendszer jelképe, amely megfojtja a vállalkozói kedvet, aláássa a tisztességes versenyt, és elűzi Magyarország legtehetségesebb újítóit az országból.

Az uniós támogatások magyarországi elosztása minden, csak nem átlátható. Az innováció és a gazdasági fejlődés előmozdítása helyett a kormány ezeket a pénzeket egy új gazdasági elit kiépítésére használta fel – a politikai kapcsolatokkal rendelkező üzletemberek kasztját, amelyet gyakran “NER-elitnek” neveznek. A valóságban ennek a kormánypárti, cinkos elitnek a tagjai azok, akik az uniós pénzek haszonélvezői, mivel az Orbán-kormány a pénzeket oligarchái és politikai ügyfelei között osztotta szét.

Ezek a vállalkozások, amelyek gyakran a kormánypárt közeli szövetségesei tulajdonában vagy ellenőrzése alatt állnak, nem piaci potenciáljuk vagy innovatív ötleteik, hanem a rendszerhez való hűségük miatt kapnak támogatást. Sikerüket nem az alapján mérik, hogy hány ügyfelet vonzanak, vagy hogy mennyi értéket teremtenek, hanem azon, hogy képesek-e állami támogatásokat szerezni.

Az eredmény egy olyan üzleti környezet, ahol a kapcsolatok felülírják a szakértelmet, és a klientúra kiszorítja a valódi vállalkozói szellemet. Ezek a politikailag támogatott vállalkozások a piaci erőkre való tekintet nélkül működnek, és olyan torzulásokat okoznak, amelyek az egész gazdaságban éreztetik hatásukat.

The royals coming after American free speech

The British royals are coming after American free speech, just days before Donald Trump is set to take office as president for the second time.

Prince Harry and Meghan Markle expressed outrage that Meta, owner of Facebook and Instagram, changed policy to rely on community notes versus a dedicated fact-checking department.

Ironically, the pair suggested Meta’s policy change “directly undermines free speech.” How exactly? Because, according to Harry and Meghan, Mark Zuckerberg is, allegedly, prioritizing those using social media “to spread hate, lies and division.”

What’s more, the pair suggest Meta’s decision is based on American politics which should “never determine whether freedom of expression and civil and human rights are protected in the online spaces so clearly shaping or destroying democracy.” So much for the War of Independence.

Trump campaigned on a promise to “Make America Great Again (Again).” The former president and now president-elect has made a name for himself with his uber-patriotism — some would say nationalism — and eschewing of more European-style policies on everything from high tax rates to “net zero” environmental and energy standards to immigration rules. In his first term, he battled European leaders on an array of policy matters, including NATO contributions and many European nations’ tendency to rely on the US for their security needs instead of standing up their own national defenses.

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