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Day: January 12, 2021

Локдаун в Україні – це абсурдна атака на вибір споживачів

Де зв’язок між ковідом і неможливістю купити мішки для сміття?

Восьмого січня, під кінець різдвяних свят, в Україні почався другий локдаун. Постановою Кабінету Міністрів від 9-го грудня 2020-го року було встановлено перелік обмежувальних заходів на період локдауну, серед яких, наприклад, заборона діяльності кафе, барів, та ресторанів та різного роду закладів культури та спорту. 

Однак, найбільш контроверсійною стала заборона купівлі-продажу товарів, які не були визначені як такі що є першої необхідності. Тобто під час локдауну українські споживачі не можуть купити товари, які не відносяться до продуктів харчування, лікарських засобів, виробів медичного призначення, засобів гігієни, засобів зв’язку, ветеринарних препаратів, кормів.

Для мене знайомство з новими правилами локдауну почалось дуже несподіано в місцевому АТБ, коли я побачила такі товари, як колготи, сміттєві пакети та освіжувачі повітря заклеяними стрічкою. Звичайно, український уряд не є інноватором, адже схожі заборони існували або досі існують по всій Європі. Але, як завжди, ми взяли те, що роблять розвинуті країни і спаплюжили це.

Крім закладів харчування і культури, які і так зазнали багато збитків через карантинні заходи, в програші так само опинився вибір споживачів. Сама по собі ситуація з неможливістю купити ті самі мішки для сміття є просто абсурдною, адже саме продукти харчування є зазвичай причиною довгих черг, а не колготи чи книжки. Тобто, локдаун б’є по вибору меншості споживачів, які прийдуть до супермаркету, щоб купити товари, які не речами першої необхідності. Чи є це справедливо? Hi. І, напевно більше до теми, чи сприятиме це якось покращенню ситуації з ковідом? Ні.

Власне, в корені таких заборон лежить дуже помилкове бачення світу з точки зору економіки: що держава у формі регулятора може визначити об”єктивну цінність окремих товарів і послуг і власне, виходячи з цього, визначити, що може продаватись/вироблятись, а що ні. Таке сприйняття лежало в основі економіки СРСР, де вироблялось тільки те, що органи центральної влади вважали необхідним і доцільним для споживачів. Так, наприклад, класичний приклад, який я чула від американців, які побували в Радянському Союзі в свій час – це можливість купити тільки один тип морозива, що мало чим відрізняється від заборони продажу щіточок для взуття в 2021-ому році.

Якщо коротко, то цінність – суб’єктивна, а тому те, все, що для одного споживача є необхідним, не може бути визнане таким, що ним не є. Навіть в час ковіду держава не має права визначати, що має місце бути на поличках супермаркетів, а що ні. 

Ми не можемо собі дозволити цей другий локдаун просто ніяк, але що гірше в цьому випадку в нас був час підготувати лікарні і забезпечити виконання правил соціального дистанціювання, що було би дешевше і резонніше.

Локдаун в Україні є економічно невиправиданим, а тому абсолютно недоцільним. Як раніше було підраховано міністерством економіки, в місяць підтримка підприємців в галузях, по яких б’є локдаун обійдеться нашій державі в близько 20 млрд грн. Як для економіки, яка розвивається, це дуже велика сума, яка рано чи пізно транслюється в великі податки для середньостатичних українців та малого бізнесу. Таким чином, погіршуючи стан речей ще більше і зменшуючи економічну свободу якої і так дуже мало. 

Originally published here.

New digital regulations: the good and the bad

Last month, the European Commission presented the Digital Services Act (DSA) and Digital Markets Act. The regulatory framework that has been long in the making aims to prevent and punish anti-competitive behaviours across digital platforms, in particular, those with at least 45 million users.

Although the introduction of these new regulations as such was a historic moment for EU digital policy, the very nature of this new approach is punitive and its unintended consequences might curb innovation instead of enhancing it.

The European Commission’s goal to keep big tech giants at bay has become obvious long ago when antitrust investigations into Facebook and Amazon started to build up. The witchhunt after anti-competitive actions has been the result of the European Union’s lack of knowledge about these new platforms and how their supply chains operate.

For example, using his Twitter account, Dutch MEP Paul Tang categorised the European Parliament’s vote against targeted advertising as a “win”, further adding that “We see that big tech continues to expand their market power by considering personal data as a commodity. In addition to interfering with our privacy, such a revenue model is unhealthy and sickening for the internet.” These policy remedies would end up being harmful to both consumers and small businesses, and dumb down the greatly innovative tech sector that provides value to users across Europe.

Digital Markets Act introduced a series of ex-ante restrictions that will tell big platforms on how to behave and by introducing a new competition tool.

Several factors need to be considered in order for these developments to be fair and less damaging than they have the potential to be. First, ex antre regulations should be limited to large online platforms that qualify as gatekeepers and shouldn’t discriminate between them. However, considering that the world of technology is constantly evolving and the economy as such is going to change, it is crucial that ex-ante regulations are concise and straightforward, and flexible.

A smart approach, and the one we advocate for, would be to strike a balance between the need to safeguard competition and remaining liberal enough to not block innovation. A code of conduct that would lay out specific blacklisted practices without making the costs of compliance excessively high for gatekeepers and preserving consumer choice might be as close as we can ever get to a compromise.

The European Union’s digital lag is well-known, and if we put even more brakes on our digital economy, we might find ourselves in the back of the queue for economic wellbeing. The key narrative of the EU digital reform shouldn’t be “let’s punish the big tech for its success” but rather “let’s create the favourable conditions for smaller enterprises”. Granting the Commission large-scale investigation powers would be an extremely dangerous move that will likely only increase the number of costly antitrust proceedings without boosting innovation.

Although transparency is equally important, its pursuits shouldn’t lead us beyond the pale. The very fact that digital platforms bring value to Europeans is a clear indication that they do something right, and that should be enough for the Commission to form its judgment. Unmatched demand for digital services, including those provided by the big tech, speaks for itself.

The best way to approach the newly presented digital framework is to be realistic about its unintended consequences. Our goal should be innovation, not punishment.

Originally published here.

ILLINOIS LAWMAKERS WORKING ON AT-HOME LIQUOR DELIVERY

With Illinois lawmakers back to work in a lame-duck session, one of the issues at the top of their to-do list is getting Illinois’ act together when it comes to home delivery of beer, wine and spirits.

According to a piece at Patch.com, the Illinois House Executive Committee forwarded a bill dealing with home delivery of alcohol to the floor of the House on Friday. It seems the overall problem that our state lawmakers have had in putting things together for home booze delivery is uniformity in laws throughout the state.

Patch.com:

If enacted, the bill would make the rules guiding home delivery of alcohol uniform across the state, and create a third-party facilitator license. Alec Laird, Vice President of government relations with the Illinois Retail Merchants Association, said home delivery has exploded amid the pandemic. “This is something that helps your mom-and-pop retailers and your consumers” said Laird.

As to the reference of liquor home delivery exploding during (and because of) the pandemic, I did a little digging to see what other states are doing about getting beer, wine, and spirits to the front doors of folks who would prefer to have their booze delivered rather than going out to pick it up.

ConsumerChoiceCenter.org says that right now, we’ve got 12 states that allow all liquor (and by all, I mean beer, wine, and spirits) to be delivered to homes, and 31 states (including Illinois) that are okay with beer and wine delivery. Alabama, Arkansas, Delaware, Mississippi, Oklahoma, Rhode Island, and Utah still have home delivery bans in place for all three.

The Patch.com piece also points out that the Illinois Craft Brewers Guild is not happy about the Illinois bill, as they say small craft brewers are being left out.

Danielle D’Alessandro, Executive Director of the Illinois Craft Brewers Guild:

This is the second liquor delivery bill now that excludes the ability of small brewers and distillers to be able to deliver and ship to consumers in Illinois.

Illinois’ lame-duck legislative session lasts through Wednesday, so we’ll be keeping an eye on where the debate goes on home liquor delivery in Illinois.

Originally published here.

For young consumers, sharing is caring

Services such as Uber and Airbnb represent immense opportunities for employment and innovate consumer services.

The current COVID-19 pandemic has shown both how much the sharing economy has helped consumers access essential goods and services, while at the same time revealing the restrictions and regulations that undermine them. For instance, sharing economy services have made it possible for many consumers to access food delivery services during COVID-19 lockdowns. 

The Consumer Choice Center’s Sharing Economy Index 2020 looks at 54 world’s most dynamic cities to see which ones are the most sharing economy-friendly. According to the findings, excessive regulation of taxicabs has caused a lot of harm, and with various ride-hailing services entering the scene, the issue has become particularly apparent. The fear of competition has taken taxicab drivers to the streets and, in the end, resulted in even tighter regulation of ride-hailing services. In order to reduce the disparity between traditional taxi cabs and ride-hailing services, most cities introduced a taxi drivers licence requirement for ride-hailing service drivers. In all cities, except Kyiv (Ukraine), it is necessary to obtain a taxi driver’s licence to become a taxi driver. Although the requirements differ from city to city, becoming a rideshare driver isn’t significantly easier: out of 52 cities analysed, only ten do not have a similar taxi licence requirement. 

A smarter way forward would be less regulation of both taxicab services and ride-hailing, not more. Instead of picking losers and winners in the marketplace, institutions and regulatory bodies should create and sustain the conditions under which both traditional services and platform businesses can compete on equal and fair terms. It should be only up to the consumer what service to use.

Young consumers have been early adopters of sharing-economy innovations. In essence, this phenomenon sheds lights on a new perspective on the efficient use of scarce resources. This works for the known application of sharing economy services such as houses, flats, cars, bicycles, or gyms. But the pay-per-use system also works for services such as gyms or office space, or even for household items — for instance, why buy a hammer you’ll only need a few times when you could order a hammer for a single-use occasion, paid for the time you needed it. This would create more resourceful communities, more accurately producing what is needed for each household. 

As digital natives, young adults are easy to convince of such services, but companies such as Uber and Airbnb have quickly shown that even those who did not grow up with computers become tech-savvy when it comes to saving money on better services, or utilising their resources efficiently. On top of that, the review system of these companies allows for more security and oversight. With Uber, parents can more comfortably let their teenagers be picked up by drivers that are identified and known by the company that relays the service. On Airbnb, the community roots out bad actors through reviews and complaints.

The sharing economy also provides employment opportunities that previously did not exist for some people. A comment by Benjamin Bell (former Head of Public Policy at Uber), who appeared on LinkedIn, clearly shows this: “I was driven home by a man with a hearing impairment, very well rated in the application by Uber passengers, but not in the traditional labour market.” He added: “Technology lowers barriers and raises aspirations.”

It is not in the interest of any country or consumers to regulate the sharing economy to safeguard industries and corporations that have been regulated by the state for decades. If hotels and taxis want to compete with new technologies, they will have to adapt, rather than clinging to government protection. The sharing economy is a necessary technological disruption that benefits everyone.

Originally published here.

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