Antitrust

Robo-Revolution at Crossroads: EU Antitrust’s Battle with Innovation and the Future

In the rapidly evolving landscape of technology and innovation, companies are constantly seeking new avenues to drive progress and enhance consumer experiences. Recently, Amazon’s announcement of its intent to acquire iRobot has sparked debates and concerns, particularly in the European Union (EU). As the Managing Director of the Consumer Choice Center, I believe it is important to examine the potential benefits this acquisition can bring to both consumers and the future of innovation.

Amazon, renowned for its customer-centric approach, has consistently delivered innovative solutions that improve convenience and efficiency. With iRobot’s expertise in robotic technologies and their popular Roomba line of robotic vacuum cleaners, this acquisition presents an opportunity for Amazon to further augment its smart home ecosystem. By integrating iRobot’s technologies, Amazon can enhance the overall consumer experience, enabling seamless automation and interconnectivity within households.

Combining the resources and expertise of Amazon and iRobot can be a catalyst for technological advancements and cutting-edge innovations. By leveraging Amazon’s extensive infrastructure and global reach, iRobot’s research and development capabilities can be supercharged, leading to faster iterations and more refined products. This synergy would benefit consumers by bringing new and improved smart home devices to market, allowing them to enjoy the advantages of a connected lifestyle.

Competition and Consumer Choice

Critics argue that Amazon’s acquisition of iRobot could stifle competition and limit consumer choice. However, it is crucial to recognize that the tech industry is characterized by intense competition and continuous disruptions. Rather than impeding competition, this acquisition has the potential to foster healthy competition by encouraging other players to innovate and introduce their own unique offerings. Additionally, Amazon’s commitment to open ecosystems and interoperability ensures that consumers are not locked into a single platform, allowing them the freedom to choose from a wide array of smart home devices.

Privacy concerns have become increasingly significant as technology advances. However, it is important to note that the responsibility of protecting consumer data lies with the acquiring company. Amazon, as a major player in the industry, has a proven track record of safeguarding customer information and complying with data protection regulations. With appropriate checks and balances in place, the acquisition of iRobot can serve as an opportunity for both companies to demonstrate their commitment to data privacy and security, ensuring that consumer trust remains intact.

In recent years, the EU has taken a cautious approach to mergers and acquisitions involving tech giants. While regulatory scrutiny is essential, it is equally important to strike a balance between consumer protection and fostering innovation. Halting the acquisition of iRobot by Amazon based on speculative concerns could impede progress and hinder the development of new technologies. Instead, regulators should focus on ensuring fair competition, transparency, and accountability in the market, enabling companies to innovate while protecting consumer interests.

The acquisition of iRobot by Amazon presents an exciting opportunity to unlock the true potential of smart home technology. By leveraging their respective strengths, these companies can create new possibilities, enhance consumer experiences, and drive technological progress. It is imperative for regulators, particularly in the EU, to carefully evaluate the potential benefits this acquisition can bring to consumers and innovation, while also safeguarding competition and consumer choice. Embracing the future requires an open and forward-thinking approach, allowing companies to push boundaries and deliver transformative solutions that improve lives.

Why We Need Acquisitions and Why Khan’s Concerns are Bad for Business

Namesakes of the 90s are seeing better days as Bed Bath & Beyond and David’s Bridal file for bankruptcy, joining the likes of Blockbuster and RadioShack. Each of these big box stores were big business in their heyday, and serve as a reminder that even the best can go bust in a dynamic marketplace.

Incumbent firms are prone to fall victim to the replacement effect, whereas opportunities for innovations are deemphasized so as to maintain the status quo. A great example of this is Kodak’s reluctance to embrace digital photography.

For firms to have staying power, they must be alert to changing market needs and pivot according to changing realities. Sometimes this can be done through the scaling of assets and resources by means of a merger. A current example of this is the proposed Kroger-Albertsons merger, which aims to create a premier omnichannel sales network for not only groceries but also healthcare and pharmaceutical needs. Through the joining of existing retail units, the merger would establish a national footprint for Kroger and enable it to capitalize on the growing trend of retail media marketing as well as compete with industry giants like Walmart and Costco. 

Accordingly, one might think the FTC would welcome the merger, given that Walmart has long been lambasted for its behemoth status without a worthy adversary when it comes to sales of groceries. Yet the FTC is reluctant to allow the transaction.

Currently, the FTC is ramping up its review of all things merger and acquisition related, including even past deals – to the dismay of Big Tech firms. 

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Would Lina Khan’s real-life FTC break up Succession’s fictional Waystar RoyCo?

The truth is often stranger than fiction.

In this season of the hit HBO show Succession , viewers are subjected not just to the business antics of the troubled Roy family but also to politicians and regulatoryagencies using their power to rein in the firm’s activities and acquisitions.

Though it is a work of fiction, the writers obviously take inspiration from the present: a CEO patriarch, a global media empire, anti-corporate populist politicians, and crackdowns from agencies such as the Department of Justice and the Federal Trade Commission.

As a thought experiment, how would contemporary regulatory agencies deal with the ascension of the Roy clan and their many businesses? If the latest season is any indication — cue the standard spoiler alert — there would be as much activity in the fictional Roy boardroom as in the halls of the very real FTC.

After the death of the CEO family patriarch Logan Roy, his two sons Kendall and Roman ascend to co-CEO positions at the Waystar RoyCo conglomerate and must deliver (per their father’s wishes) a shaky acquisition of the Swedish tech streaming platform known as GoJo. 

In the show, Waystar is a major corporate behemoth composed of newspapers, video games, publishing, news networks, a film studio, theme parks, a cruise line, a streaming platform, and a telecom company with a less-than-stellar rocket ship launch record.

Even though much of the regulatory heat on the company in previous seasons has been focused on bad behavior regarding its cruise lines, we do see the antitrust hammer wielded by Sen. Gil Eavis, our fictional blend of Sens. Bernie Sanders (I-VT), Amy Klobuchar (D-MN), and Elizabeth Warren (D-MA). In the show, it’s over whether the company’s national news network should be able to purchase local news stations. This senator wants the government to intervene.

On these facts alone, it’s not a stretch to see how FTC Chairwoman Lina Khan would take significant action against Waystar’s acquisitions.

Her neo-Brandeisian philosophy on antitrust, which aims to dismantle corporate power based on market share and business structure, rather than consumer welfare, would mean Waystar’s actions would certainly get forceful disapproval from the regulator, if not a set of punitive rulemaking to try to slow it down.

The FTC under Khan’s leadership has already attempted to halt several high-profile acquisitions on a much smaller scale: Microsoft’s purchase of video game company Activision and Meta’s acquisition of the VR fitness app Within.

Waystar’s significant holdings would not only be fodder for the Khan FTC but would likely make them the chief antagonist of her entire tenure, much like we see with the various actions, consent decrees, and heightened alert around tech giant Meta and its business dealings.

In the latest season, attention turns to the Swedish streaming giant GoJo — a fictional blend of Spotify, Netflix, and Amazon Prime — and whether the Roy brothers should consider selling off Waystar’s assets to the eccentric tech billionaire Lukas Matsson. The brothers, later unconvinced of the deal, aim to stoke regulatory flames to stall and eventually kill the deal.

In truth, if patterns of the present were applied to the silver screen, the FTC’s focus would be exclusively on GoJo rather than the Roys — either for its acquisition by Waystar or the other way around. 

As an innovative tech company with dozens of products, reach to billions of consumers, and a business model that relies on advertising and partnerships, the fictional GoJo (Swedish or not) would represent everything this current FTC, and most in the Democratic Senate, have sought to quash.

In a lasting bit of irony, Lina Khan’s FTC would likely share the same goals as the fictional billionaire Roy brothers: to destroy the GoJo acquisition and make sure consumers are “protected” from innovative companies trying to get an edge. 

Whether it be the FTC’s proposed hamstringing of AI firms to prevent “ online harm ,” blocking acquisitions of companies that quickly screen cancers or provide healthcare data to insurers, or using left-leaning interpretations of antitrust law to stop mergers that would bring benefits to users of gaming, VR, and social media (Activison, Within, etc.), consumers are being kept from real innovations that would improve their lives. When will consumers have a say?

Originally published here

Regulators and Politicians Are Coming for the App Store

New legislation and an antitrust lawsuit threaten Apple’s monopoly over its App Store. The Department of Justice recently joined Fortnite developer Epic Games in appealing the latter’s failed 2020 lawsuit against Apple. Epic alleges that the tech giant’s exorbitant 30 percent commission on in-app transactions, which users are forced to conduct through the App Store, violates competition laws and harms consumers. 

Meanwhile, Congress could soon pass the Open App Markets Act (OAMA), a bipartisan bill that would stop app platforms from monopolizing payment systems for in-app transactions, restrict them from preferencing their own apps over competitors’ in-store, and require them to permit “sideloading” — the installation of unverified third-party apps outside of official app marketplaces.

This could give smartphone users access to more apps while increasing competition between developers. Lower entry barriers into the lucrative iPhone app market of more than 118 million Americans could spur innovation in apps that may not have been viable before. It would also encourage investment in developer start-ups and could lower prices for in-app purchases, including for emerging technologies like NFTs, by allowing developers to circumvent Apple’s commissions through alternative digital payment methods.

But is there more to the story?

Users aren’t likely to abandon their iPhones for competitors over costly in-app fees and a sideloading ban once locked in. Conversely, they may see this as a trade-off for better app vetting and data security and privacy controls that Apple promises. Android phones don’t levy 30 percent commissions on in-app transactions, but Google collects and monetizes user data for targeted advertising to a greater degree with fewer controls. 

Though conversely, analysts note that Apple’s own data collection and monetization also fuels its growing ad business, which is expected to grow to $20 billion/year in revenues by 2025. Sideloading outside the App store certainly threatens this segment of Apple’s business.

As for security, discerning adults can trust themselves in navigating less restrictive app marketplaces or in taking precautions if they sideload unverified apps. But the same can’t be said for vulnerable demographics like children or the elderly.

Though the OAMA permits smartphone operating systems to restrict or remove apps over legitimate security and privacy concerns, this may be difficult to implement regarding sideloading. A 2020 Nokia cybersecurity reportblamed sideloading, which is already possible on Android devices, for 15 to 47 times higher rates of malware infection on those devices relative to iPhones.

In any case, Google and Apple’s alternative business models have resulted in a split smartphone market. Apple holds 59 percent of the American market, while the global market is dominated by Android, whose share is 72.2 percent. Both companies face competition from alternative smartphone manufacturers like Huawei and non-smartphone app marketplaces, including gaming consoles like the Xbox, which are exempt from the OAMA.

In a competitive market where users already choose what they value, is a legislative or court mandate limiting companies’ abilities to tailor platforms to their user base necessary or desirable? The ability to monetize the app marketplace funds capital-intensive investment in platform and app ecosystem development. Stymying this ability could harm consumers by discouraging innovation and competition between platforms.

And if Target or Walmart’s ability to “self-preference” by placing home brand products in prime locations relative to competing alternatives is an accepted business practice that isn’t seen as “anti-competitive,” then how is self-preferencing on digital platforms different? Consumers already discern between brands and often choose alternatives for reasons other than cost or product placement — whether online or at brick-and-mortar stores. Placing limitations on self-preferencing may result in stores or platforms levying higher prices from consumers elsewhere or offering fewer choices.

The OAMA is likely to yield greater choices in apps for Apple customers and greater opportunities for developers. But there could still be some adverse long-term consequences. At the very least, provisions that restrict self-preferencing should be reconsidered as they won’t meaningfully increase choices consumers already face.

Originally published here

Why Consumers Should Oppose the Latest Senate Antitrust Actions

By Yaël Ossowski

The U.S. Senate is considering two antitrust bills by Sen. Amy Klobuchar that would significantly harm both consumer choice and innovation.

Unfortunately, these bills have been co-sponsored by members of both political parties, creating what looks like a bipartisan consensus in the Senate chamber, but not one favored by the vast majority of American consumers.

Both the American Innovation and Choice Online Act and Platform Competition and Opportunity Act appear to be general antitrust regulations but are in fact targeted attacks on consumers who benefit from the services of a handful of tech companies.

While there are plenty of reasons to criticize certain tech companies and their business or moderation decisions, inviting the government to control, direct, or otherwise halt innovative goods and services from specific tech companies would create more problems for consumers than it would solve.

Don’t You Dare Sell Your Own Products

The first bill would aim to outlaw “discriminatory conduct” by the platforms targeted, mostly concerning their own products and applications. Think of the vast array of Amazon Basics products, Google’s services other than search, or even Facebook offering Messenger.

These goods and services are offered by companies because the firms have built up specialized knowledge and consumer demand exists for them. Even though these firms sell products and offer services from third parties, they also sell their own, similar to Walmart’s “Good Value” brand or even “George” clothing line.

When it comes to tech offerings, as noted by Adam Kovacevich of the Chamber of Progress, this would basically halt Amazon Prime, it would block Apple from pre-loading iMessage and Facetime, and require Apple and other phone makers to allow third-party apps to be “sideloaded” outside the traditional app store. Not only would this be inconvenient for consumers who like and use these products, but it would also make it harder to innovate, thus depriving consumers of better goods and services that could come down the line.

Don’t You Dare Acquire Other Companies

The second bill more radically alters existing antitrust law by basically baring large-capitalization tech firms from acquiring or even investing in other firms. Again, this

The rise of Silicon Valley has been an unadulterated success for American consumers, owing to the entrepreneurship of startups, companies and investors who see value in them, and the unique pollination of both talent and capital that has made American technology a dominant global player.

This bill purports to ensure consumers are protected from the “evils” of Big Tech, but in reality, it would put American entrepreneurs at a significant disadvantage globally, inviting companies from illiberal countries to offer products to consumers and reducing the options and choices for anyone who enjoys technology products.

Why Consumers Should Oppose

Rather than protect the consumer, these bills would have serious impacts on the overall consumer experience and consumer choice: 

  • They would restrict the innovative growth of US platforms while giving tech firms abroad an advantage
  • They would degrade the consumer experience by reducing the options and services firms could offer 
  • They would empower the federal government to pick the winners and losers of technological innovation rather than consumers
  • They would limit the potential for small businesses to use these platforms to provide goods and services to their customers
  • They would increase the cost of regulatory compliance with federal mandates, which would raise prices for consumers

The American people benefit from a competitive and free market for all goods, services, and networks we use online. Weaponizing our federal agencies to break up companies, especially when there is no demonstrated case of consumer harm, will chill innovation and stall our competitive edge as a country.

If Congress wants to update antitrust for the 21st century they should:

  • Establish more clear penalties for breaches of data or consumer privacy and empower the Federal Trade Commission to act where necessary
  • Punish companies that violate  existing antitrust provisions that harm consumers
  • Better define the scope of the consumer welfare standard in a digital age

The internet is the ultimate playground for consumer choice. Government attempts to intervene and regulate based on political considerations will only restrict consumer choice and deprive us of what we’ve thus far enjoyed.

The overwhelming majority of users are happy with online marketplaces and with their profiles on social platforms. They’re able to connect with friends and family around the world, and share images and posts that spark conversations. Millions of small businesses, artists, and even news websites are dependent on these platforms to make their living.

Using the force of government to break apart businesses because of particular stances or actions they’ve taken, all legal under current law, is highly vindictive and will restrict the ability of ordinary people to enjoy the platforms for which we voluntarily signed up. 

We should hold these platforms accountable when they make mistakes, but not invite the federal government to determine which sites or platforms we can click on. The government’s role is not to pick winners and losers. It’s to ensure our rights to life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness, as the Declaration of Independence states.

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