australia

Class action hunters take aim at Australia

By Yaël Ossowski 
 
In line with common law tradition, the class action system was set up in Australia to address wrongs and deliver justice for ordinary people.

But because of a lack of action from politicians and policymakers, it has instead funnelled rivers of gold to faceless foreign investors with a stake in gaming the system.

It’s become akin to a casino with lower stakes and high payouts. The high rollers from overseas, flush with capital to bet big and win big, get VIP treatment in Aussie courts, while ordinary Mums and Dads without that cash or influence get pennies.

​​As the Daily Telegraph revealed recently, there’s never been a more lucrative time to be a foreign litigation funder investing in Australian class actions.

Since July 2022, $308 million has been doled out to litigation funders involving themselves class action settlements in Australian courts, with a whopping 82 per cent ($255 million) going to funders from abroad. 
 
Worse still, over the same period $152 million went to litigation funders with accounts registered in the Cayman Islands – a jurisdiction not none for divulging corporate or financial identities.
 
When pressed, many of these funders will say that without their investments, class action claimants would receive no payouts nor have a case at all, and ordinary people would never have a chance against large companies.
 
But a recent lawsuit brought by thousands of Victorian cabbies against the ride sharing platform Uber shows it just doesn’t work this way. 
 
That lawsuit filed in Victorian Supreme Court aimed to compensate taxi and hire car drivers for loss of income and licence values following the arrival of Uber in Australia. In the US and Canada, similar actions have been tried, but haven’t found an audience. 
 
In May, the Court was asked to approve an historic $272 million settlement, the fifth largest in Australian history. While those who may dislike the sharing economy may celebrate, the actual details reveal why consumers ultimately lose.
 
Of the $272 million, $36.5 million will make its way to law firm Maurice Blackburn, while $81.5 million would go to Harbour Litigation Funding, a business with significant assets held in the Cayman Islands. $154 million – or just 57 per cent of the settlement – would go to 8,701 taxi drivers, netting them just over $17,000 apiece or fourteen weeks of the average wage of a Melbourne cabbie. 
 
Fourteen weeks’ pay for decades of lost income, and $81.5 million for a one-off investment. And that’s not even taking into account the consumers who will face higher prices and less competition when they try to book a car from the CBD.
 
With pay-days like these, it’s easy to see why so many litigation funders – backed by investors across the world – have their sights set on Australia. 
 
The latest example is UK-headquartered class action firm Pogust Goodhead, backed by a billion-dollar investment from an American hedge fund, Gramercy. It’s the biggest loan of its type to a law firm in history. 
 
Pogust Goodhead has plans to launch dozens of class actions in Australia out of its newly ordained Sydney office. The firm’s Global Managing Partner, Thomas Goodhead, has even talked about teaming up with green activist groups including the Australian Conservation Foundation and the taxpayer-funded Environmental Defenders Office to pursue firms that power the Australian economy. 
 
Firms like Pogust Goodhead are relentless in their pursuit of payouts. 
 
Pogust Goodhead is ploughing ahead with its $70 billion action in the English High Court against BHP – where it would receive as much as a 30 per cent cut. This follows a $45 billion compensation agreement between BHP and Brazil, where over 500,000 affected people receive payments from early next year. By their own admission, Pogust Goodhead’s English case may not be resolved until 2028.
 
It’s hard to see how the growth of this industry is good news for everyday Australian consumers who rely on affordable energy and good jobs. 
 
Plainly, the class action system, especially the lax laws governing litigation funders, aren’t working.
 
How do you fix it? As ever, sunlight is the best disinfectant. 
 
In the United States, Republicans and Democrats have come together to introduce the Litigation Transparency Act, which forces disclosure of financing provided by third parties. They’ve also worked on legislation to stop sovereign wealth funds from investing in American lawsuits. This is a reasonable approach that allows innovative litigation funding to continue, based on the condition that citizens know who has skin in the game.

So, it’s a good thing LNP Senator Paul Scarr raised these issues in Federal Parliament last week – quizzing officials from the Attorney General’s Department about what they’re doing to stop foreign actors interfering in Australia’s courts.
 
More recently, the European Law Institute – a leading legal think tank – has called on policymakers around the world to do more to “enhance transparency” around litigation funding, including passing laws to require funders to reveal the identity of their investors and disclose potential and actual conflicts of interest.
 
To tilt the scales of justice back in favour of ordinary people, Australia should heed this call. 

Yaël Ossowski is deputy director at the global consumer advocacy group Consumer Choice Center.

This article was published in the Daily Telegraph.

Consumers dudded by secret class action suits

We are no strangers to settling our problems in court. Indeed, it is a core function of citizens in free societies.

Staffed by esteemed judges and sometimes juries, people who believe they’ve been wronged can take their claims before a neutral tribunal to plead their case in hopes of a positive outcome and settlement, whether on behalf of a class of litigants or just themselves.

In Australia, these principles are at the heart of a “fair go”.

Increasingly, however, in countries like Australia and the United States, the explosion of both class actions and litigation financing has culminated in a dodgy funding arrangement for actions against companies and individuals that may involve unscrupulous foreign actors.

Influenced by innovative American investors, this new practice of third- party litigation funding involves out- siders not directly involved in lawsuits providing funding in exchange for a cut of the “winnings”, whether they are hedge funds, venture capitalists, or bankers.

Plaintiffs looking to mount a case will turn to these litigation funders to pay for attorneys in lengthy and ex- pensive cases, giving up portions of settlements in exchange for funding.

While one can easily praise the novel aspect of this funding, we should also be aware that existing law does not require the disclosure of these arrangements to courts and judges.

When foreign powers are using lawsuits to try to break up patents and intellectual property, as we’ve increasingly seen abroad, what’s to say this won’t happen in Australia?

A Chinese firm, Purplevine IP, has financed multiple patent lawsuits against Samsung and its US subsidiaries, hoping to unravel some of the proprietary technology found in Bluetooth earbuds.

There’s also evidence of Russian oligarchs – with close ties to Vladimir Putin – parking millions in litigation funds to evade Ukraine-related sanctions.

It is true that Australia’s $200m litigation funding industry is dwarfed by the nearly $13.5bn industry in the United States. But at the same time, Australia is now the class action law- suit capital of the world on a per capita basis, and at least a dozen of the country’s top 20 companies are currently mired in class action lawsuits.

Last week, The Daily Telegraph analysed two recent class action settlements: a $47m settlement against ANZ, and a $29m settlement against Westpac.

While those numbers look good on the surface, if every eligible victim was compensated, they would receive just $317 and $321, respectively, while lawyers and investors walk away with millions.

What these cases point to are a system of legal cases that are systematically proving to be very beneficial for certain legal firms and select litigation funders, while not providing true transparency about who is funding cases and how much are they winning in settlements.

Before the Albanese government changed the rules in 2022, litigation funders were subject to strict regulatory oversight, including a requirement to hold an Australian Financial Services Licence (AFSL). Critically, too, ASIC monitored their activities. By scrapping the rules, the problem has only got worse.

Rest and Hesta – two of Australia’s biggest superannuation funds, with a

combined three million members – hold tens of millions of dollars’ worth of stock in Omni Bridgeway, Australia’s biggest litigation funder. At the same time, Omni Bridgeway is funding class actions against at least six Australian companies Rest and Hesta are invested in.

In other words, Australian workers are funding an all-out assault on their own retirement savings.

There’s more pain on the way, with the arrival of foreign class action firms to Australia including British firm Pogust Goodhead, armed with a billion- dollar loan from an American hedge fund, with plans to launch 10 lawsuits against Australian companies over the next year.

In the US, politicians have rallied around the common-sense idea that litigation funders should be disclosed to courts in important cases. California Congressman Darrell Issa has joined forces with Democrats and Re- publicans to introduce the Litigation Transparency Act that would force disclosure of financing provided by third parties in civil lawsuits.

It’s high time Australian politicians do the same. At present, Australia has no laws requiring litigation funders to disclose the ultimate source of their funding.

This is not only about consumers in Australia, but it’s about the future legitimacy of the entire judicial system across the country, and attempts by foreign powers to exploit it.

Yaël Ossowski is deputy director of the global consumer advocacy group Consumer Choice Center.

This article was published in the Daily Telegraph in Australia (pdf copy here).

Australia’s own media law isn’t helping news consumers either

In a news conference in Ottawa earlier this month, Heritage Minister Pablo Rodriguez sought to provide context for the tech industry’s reaction to the recently passed C-18, which outlines a process for media organizations to arrange deals with tech companies for ad revenue.

Since the bill was enacted, both Meta and Google have taken steps to remove Canadian news articles from their platforms, claiming that the bill is “unworkable” for their products. While Google has demonstrated a willingness to sit down with the government, Meta has thus far refused. In response, the Canadian federal government, without the support of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s Liberal Party, has said it will remove all ads on both platforms.

Minister Rodriguez called the tech platforms “bullies” for removing news links and accused them of “threatening democracy” itself. Citing Meta and Google’s profits, NDP MP Peter Julian said it was “time for them to give back” by turning over some of their money to local and regional newspapers, and online publishers.

Bloc MP Martin Champoux suggested using yet more tax money to push advertisers to spend on traditional platforms. “The government should do more. Perhaps even more incentives to advertisers to leave Meta’s platform and return to traditional sponsorships,” he said.

In a separate interview, Prime Minister Trudeau kicked it up a notch by claiming that Facebook’s actions were an “attack” on Canada akin to WWII.

Since then, the government has already outlined its own concessions to soften the blow, but the point remains.

There are plenty of articulate critiques of C-18, but the most concerning part of this entire process is that the template they’re drawing from is also massively flawed.

In name, the law is about saving journalism. Practically, it grants permission to a cartel of news organizations and corporations to force extractive payments from (mostly US) tech firms that have significant online platforms. And large media companies stand to gain the most.

This regulatory playbook is a familiar one in the Anglosphere, as we know from Australia’s News Bargaining Code of 2021 and similar attempts in the US Senate and the State of California.

The Australian example is a key talking point for Rodriguez and Liberal supporters of C-18, but its success is rather opaque.

If anyone asks the Australian government or peeks at their reports compiled by the Treasury, they claim it a “success to date,” owing to the 30 individual agreements struck between news publishers and the tech titans of Google and Meta.

But the number of agreements is the only metric we have, and it’s not surprising to see large mega corporations topping the list, including US entertainment conglomerates like Paramount Global and Rupert Murdoch’s News Corp, but also Nine Entertainment, owned by the family of now-deceased Australian media tycoon Kerry Packer (a mini-Murdoch, if you will).

What about small, regional outlets that bills like the Australian News Bargaining Code and Canada’s C-18 portend to help?

At least two academic articles have examined this impact, and both concluded that large corporate media entities gained significantly while smaller newsrooms were unable to capture gains at the same rate. “It is yet to be seen how the NMBC contributes to maintaining a sustainable business model for public interest journalism, other than continued payments from platforms,” said one group of researchers.

The Australian Treasury report notes, “it is acknowledged that many smaller news businesses would face significant challenges in participating in negotiations with digital platforms.”

Chris Krewson, executive director of LION Publishers, an association of US local news publishers analyzing the law, sums it up more bluntly: 

He wrote that there’s “no evidence that the dollars that flowed actually meant more journalism,” later pointing out that despite the $200 million infusion of cash from Big Tech, Australian media outlets still struggled immensely during the pandemic, and local outlets especially found the task of even entering negotiations to be a “lengthy and expensive process”.

For those smaller publishers and media outlets struggling and unable to strike their own deals, the Australian government signals it may need to extract yet more money for future subsidies: “Ultimately, as noted earlier, small news businesses may be better assisted by other types of Government support.”

In that case, it seems Australia will need to dole out yet more subsidies, tax schemes, and government financing to support the journalism industry. Why should Canada be any different?

What C-18 and similar laws attempt to do is to organize, coordinate, and force a business model for a particular industry. But in doing so, it is giving an upper hand to large media conglomerates with a decaying business model that will now forever grow addicted to deals with tech firms.

One could even argue that Canada’s government is harming the open internet itself by forcing online firms to pay traditional media. This, all the while platforms like Substack, YouTube, Patreon, and many others are better serving news consumers who are directly paying media outlets they enjoy and benefit from.

In slowing the inevitability of bankrupt legacy media firms, the government cannot endorse bankrupt ideas to save them.

Yaël Ossowski is deputy director of the Consumer Choice Center.

The impending war with big tech

The last few weeks have seen a substantial ramping up of rhetoric from Westminster towards big tech. Facebook’s dramatic show of power against – and subsequent capitulation to – the Australian government over its new law obliging it to pay news outlets to host their content made for gripping viewing, and it has since become clear that senior ministers across the British government were tuning in to the action.

Matt Hancock came bursting out of the blocks to declare himself a ‘great admirer’ of countries which have proposed laws forcing tech giants to pay for journalism. Rishi Sunak has been bigging-up this year’s G7 summit, which will be held in Cornwall. From the way he is talking, it sounds like he is preparing to lead an army of finance ministers from around the world into battle with Silicon Valley.

Meanwhile, Oliver Dowden, the cabinet minister with responsibility for media and technology, indicated that he has been chatting to his Australian counterparts to learn more about the thinking behind their policymaking process. He followed that up with a series of stark and very public warnings to the businesses themselves,promising to “keep a close eye” on Facebook and Twitter, voicing his “grave concern” over the way big tech companies are operating and threatening sanctions if they step out of line.

This one-way war of words comes against the backdrop of a menacing new regulatory body slowly looming into view. The Digital Markets Unit, a quango which is set to form part of the existing Competition and Markets Authority (CMA), will be the chief weapon in the government’s armoury. As things stand, we know very little about what it is intended to achieve.

Big tech in its current form is a young industry, still struggling with teething problems as it learns how to handle owning all the information in the world. There are plenty of areas where Facebook, Google, Amazon and countless others are arguably falling short in their practices, from users’ privacy to threats to journalists, which Dowden and others have picked up on.

But the natural instinct of state actors to step in has the potential to be cataclysmically damaging. The government is running out of patience with the free market and seems poised to intervene. Countless times, haphazard central policy has quashed innovation and sent private money tumbling out of the country. Against the backdrop of the forthcoming corporation tax rise, there is a fine balance to strike between effective regulation and excessive state interference.

The nature of government interventions is that they block innovation, and therefore progress. Superfluous regulation is like a dazed donkey milling about in the middle of the road, bringing the traffic to a halt. Of course, the donkey is then given a charity collection bucket and the power to oblige passers-by to contribute a slice of their income for the privilege of driving society forwards, generating unfathomable wealth and providing us all with access to free services which have improved our quality of life beyond measure.

As the government ponders the appropriate parameters of the new Digital Markets Unit and seeks to place arbitrary limits on what big tech companies can do for the first time in the history of their existence, it should consider users’ interests first. There is a strong case to be made for shoring up the rights of individuals and cracking down more harshly on abuse and other worrying trends. But let’s not fall into the same trap as our cousins Down Under in making online services more expensive to use and passing those costs down to consumers.

As the much-fabled ‘post-Brexit Global Britain’ begins to take shape, we have a valuable opportunity to set an example for the rest of the world on how to go about regulating the technology giants. The standards we will have to meet to do that are not terribly high. In essence, all the government needs to do is avoid the vast, swinging, ham-fisted meddling which has so often characterised attempts at regulation in the past and Britain can become something of a world leader in this field.

Originally published here.

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