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CONSOMMEZ-VOUS CETTE SUBSTANCE CANCÉROGÈNE ?

La classification de certaines substances comme plus ou moins dangereuses montre de graves lacunes dans la communication aux consommateurs des réalités scientifiques.

Le Centre international de recherche sur le cancer (CIRC), un organisme associé à l’Organisation mondiale de la santé (OMS), a récemment annoncé qu’il classerait l’édulcorant artificiel aspartame comme « possiblement cancérogène ». L’agence n’a pas encore révélé l’ensemble des données sur lesquelles repose cette décision, mais quelle que soit la teneur de la publication à venir, l’annonce inquiète déjà de nombreux consommateurs quant à leur consommation de substituts du sucre.

En réalité, l’aspartame peut être consommé sans danger. La nouvelle classification de l’OMS en dit plus sur les lacunes de la stratégie de communication des risques de l’agence que sur l’aspartame.

Peut-être, ou probablement ?

Le CIRC classe ce qu’il appelle les « agents » en quatre catégories de cancérogènes.

Le groupe 1 comprend les agents pour lesquels il existe des preuves solides d’un lien avec le cancer – les radiations, par exemple, ou l’opium et le tabac. A l’inverse, les agents du groupe 3 sont ceux qui sont « inclassables quant à [leur] cancérogénicité pour l’homme ». Au grand soulagement de nombreux lecteurs, la caféine est un agent du groupe 3.

Mais deux groupes existent au milieu. Le groupe 2A comprend les agents « probablement cancérogènes », ce qui indique un risque plus élevé que le groupe 2B, qui énumère les agents « peut-être cancérogènes » – ce qui est le cas de l’aspartame.

Pour déterminer si un agent est cancérogène ou non, le CIRC procède à une évaluation basée sur la danger (« hazard », en anglais), c’est-à-dire qu’il examine le potentiel de nocivité d’un agent, et non la probabilité qu’il le soit effectivement. Mais le CIRC n’est pas une agence de sécurité alimentaire et ses conclusions ne disent rien sur la question de savoir si une consommation raisonnable constituerait un risque pour les consommateurs.

Dans le cas de l’aspartame, une personne pesant 60 kg devrait boire entre 12 et 36 canettes par jour de soda édulcoré à l’aspartame pour augmenter son risque potentiel de cancer au-delà des niveaux de base. C’est pourquoi l’utilisation de l’aspartame est autorisée au Canada et dans de nombreuses autres juridictions depuis plus de 40 ans.

Bien que l’on ne sache pas exactement quelle est l’ampleur de l’augmentation à partir d’une consommation de 12 à 36 canettes, elle est probablement inférieure à un centième de pourcent, en termes absolus. En dessous de ce seuil de consommation, les consommateurs ne courent aucun risque.

L’abus de « … » est mauvais pour la santé

Les consommateurs doivent comprendre que les responsabilités du CIRC sont très différentes de celles du Comité mixte FAO/OMS d’experts des additifs alimentaires (JECFA) et que ce dernier utilise des méthodes tout à fait différentes. Le JECFA n’a jamais trouvé l’aspartame cancérogène, alors que le CIRC, dans la longue liste de produits qu’il a évalués, trouve presque toujours des agents potentiellement cancérogènes – parce qu’il ne tient pas compte de la quantité absorbée par un consommateur raisonnable.

Pour que l’aspartame soit inclus dans la catégorie 2B (c’est-à-dire « peut-être cancérogène »), il suffit qu’une seule des caractéristiques suivantes soit remplie : « des preuves limitées de cancérogénicité chez l’homme, ou des preuves suffisantes de cancérogénicité chez l’animal de laboratoire, ou des preuves mécanistes solides, montrant que l’agent présente des caractéristiques clés de cancérogènes pour l’homme ». L’expression « preuves limitées » signifie que l’agence n’a pas besoin d’établir une relation linéaire entre l’agent et l’apparition d’un cancer, comme elle le fait pour le groupe 1. Le « peut-être » dans « peut-être cancérogène » a donc un rôle important à jouer.

Le problème des classifications du CIRC est qu’en fin de compte, elles ne donnent aux consommateurs que des informations très limitées. Si l’on retire de l’équation les niveaux d’exposition, c’est-à-dire la dose, presque tout peut devenir nocif.

Le soleil est nocif par une chaude journée d’été, mais la plupart des consommateurs limitent leur exposition en appliquant un écran solaire ou en se mettant à l’ombre. S’il existe des cas où le soleil peut être considéré comme cancérogène, ce ne serait pas une bonne communication sur les risques que de les étiqueter comme un agent cancérogène, et donc comme quelque chose à éviter à tout prix – pas sans alerter les consommateurs sur le fait qu’il y a une quantité saine de soleil qu’ils devraient se sentir à l’aise d’avoir.

Les dangers du sucre

Tout comme une quantité excessive de soleil peut provoquer un cancer, une quantité excessive d’aspartame peut théoriquement en provoquer un aussi. Toutefois, la plupart des consommateurs ne s’exposent pas au soleil à un niveau cancérogène et ne boivent pas 10 litres de boissons gazeuses sans sucre par jour.

L’aspartame et d’autres additifs alimentaires similaires nous ont aidés à nous éloigner d’un additif que nous devrions probablement consommer avec plus de précaution : le sucre. La surconsommation de sucre peut entraîner des problèmes de santé importants, notamment l’obésité et le diabète. Faire peur aux gens en brouillant les réalités de la perception des risques des édulcorants artificiels risque de les pousser à se rabattre sur des boissons sucrées qui sont en fin de compte pires pour eux.

La classification de l’aspartame comme cancérogène possible ouvre également la voie à un fléau tout à fait différent : les avocats spécialisés dans la responsabilité civile. Aux Etats-Unis en particulier, les évaluations du CIRC fondées sur les risques ont favorisé les actions collectives qui, dans le cadre de procès devant jury, ont permis de soutirer des millions de dollars aux fabricants de produits sûrs. Cela permet peut-être à certains avocats de s’offrir des jolis appartements à New York, mais ne contribue guère à faire progresser la santé publique.

Le cancer est un problème majeur dans notre société et il convient de redoubler d’efforts pour persuader les consommateurs de modifier les comportements qui augmentent le risque de cancer. Cela dit, les décisions consultatives telles que l’avertissement sur l’aspartame ne rendent pas service au débat sur la santé publique en faussant la perception des risques et en alimentant les conspirations sur l’empoisonnement des consommateurs par l’industrie alimentaire mondiale.

Originally published here

Eastern Europe should reject the proposed EU chemical regulations

A new red-tape mission is about to worsen the lives of Eastern European consumers, producers, and suppliers.  Under the influence of the Green Deal, the European Union’s Chemical Agency (ECHA) will transition to a hazard-based approachpremised on preventing any potential threat. Regulators will no longer focus on concrete exposure levels to determine whether a product is safe for consumers, as they used to in the older risk-oriented assessments. Instead, policymakers will use lab-related hypothetical scenarios or advanced statistical tests to label a consumer good as dangerous or remove it entirely from store shelves if it could constitute a problem in any way, shape, or form.

However, trying to achieve zero dangers comes at a high cost. In the case of the ECHA’s revised rules, increasing regulatory pressure raises the costs of complying with said rules. This increase leaves many smaller companies unviable, making perfectly safe goods unavailable to consumers. The effect will be decisive for Eastern European countries already heavily invested in chemical markets, which therefore have the most to lose from any disruption.

The best example of this dynamic comes from an unlikely source – essential oils. Often assumed to be just relaxation tools, these steam or water-based plant extracts are widespread ingredients in most toiletries, cosmetics, and perfumes and are the economic bread and butter of many Eastern European countries. Bulgaria is the world’s top producer of rose oil, with up to two tonnes of rosesharvested yearly in the famous region of Rose Valley. Not to be outdone, the Tedre farm in southern Estonia has cultivated a waste-efficient carbon monoxide method of extracting oil from its 2.5 hectares of raspberries. Though not comparable to Bulgaria or Estonia in terms of output, Lithuania does produce important essential oils like mint, chamomile, juniper, and spruce.

However, hazard-based regulations would have essential oils on the chopping block. Policymakers plan to replace their current designation as complex natural substances with the nebulous idea of ‘more than one constituent substance.’ In practice, this redesignation means that essential oils will be treated the same way as synthetic mixtures – subject to the complete restrictions of hazard-based rules.

Most Eastern European firms will quickly find their businesses unviable because of the ECHA’s decision. Like the Tedre farmers, Bulgarian cultivators in the Rose Valley, and Lithuanian agriculturalists, these producers and retailers tend to besmaller domestic enterprisesScaring consumers away with severe warnings on labels and prohibiting products are extra costs they can ill afford to take on (which is why 85% of all firms signed up to onerous legislation are large international conglomerates).

The economic consequences for the essential oils market in countries like Bulgaria, Estonia, Lithuania, and others in the region will be severe. Looking at export numbers alone, Bulgaria could lose 445 million euros from its sale of essential oils and associated toiletries. Lithuania and Estonia’s numbers are more modest but still significant, at 379.9 million euroand 19.1 million euro, respectively.

Eastern European member states should encourage the ECHA to abandon its cause before it is too late. Tentative steps occurred on the 30th of June when Bulgaria and seven other states in the Permanent Representatives Committee urged the European Commission to prepare a report four years into the future on essential oils. The analysis will outline different norms regulating the ‘more than one constituent substance’ category. Estonia, Lithuania, and all other Eastern European countries should join Bulgaria in this endeavor.

Yet they should aim to do more. They must encourage the revival of risk-based thinking in the EU’s attitude towards chemicals. Risk-bearing is the only form of decision-making grounded in concrete toxicological data, aware of the fundamental economic trade-offs, and sensitive to the consumer experience. The time to end destructive campaigns (no matter how well-intentioned they may be) is here and now.  

Originally published here

Central and Eastern Europe would be hit hard by new rules on essential oils

Essential oil products generate hundreds of millions euros for several countries in Central and Eastern Europe. New rules threaten the industry.

New rules by the European Union’s Chemical Agency (ECHA) would significantly impact the commercialisation and use of essential oil products. 

This includes a wide variety of products consumers use, including everything from perfumes and other fragrances, to humidifier scents and insect repellents. The agency intends to adopt a new way of measuring harm caused by chemicals that doesn’t take into account the actual dosage that consumers will be exposed to.

It is unfortunate that the ECHA has chosen this exact moment to put overly restrictive chemical regulations in place. 

Following the European Green Deal’s footsteps and its vision of a toxic-free environment, the ECHA is replacing careful risk assessments based on actual exposure levels with a sweeping hazard-based approach grounded in hypothetical scenarios. The difference in practice between the two is radical. Where the first allows the use of a substance so long as it satisfies a safety threshold, the latter would prohibit compounds so long as something could go wrong.

The regulations will not spare even safe natural products from this effect, including steam and water-distilled (or manually pressed) extracts like essential oils. Under the current framework, policymakers classify them as complex natural substances. But all that would change with the hazard mentality, which would identify essential oils as mixtures of “more than one constituent substance” and restrict them as though they were volatile artificial materials, by legislation EU 2021/1902 on “toxic cosmetics”.

Impact in Central and Eastern Europe

The new ECHA guidelines will make it unfeasible for the sizeable Central and Eastern European essential oils industry to bring goods to the market. 

The businesses in Bulgaria’s famous Rose Valley harvest around two tonnes of rose oil yearly and earn 445 million euros for the country in exports of essential oils and toiletries. Similarly, the Tedre farm in Estonia produces 2.5 hectares of world-class raspberries and extracts raspberry oil based on a proprietary carbon monoxide method. Lithuania created 379.9 million euros worth of cosmetics exports from mint, chamomile, juniper, and spruce emulsions. 

Finally, Hungary benefits from 713.78 million euros of beauty industry exports. If only one part of a rose, raspberry, or mint product could be toxic or highly allergic, their goods will receive a harsh warning label at best. At worst, policymakers will make sure that they cannot commercialise these products at all. 

Firms in Bulgaria, Estonia, Lithuania, and other Central and Eastern European countries are smaller than most international conglomerates and cannot pay the extra costs of compliance; instead, they will withdraw their goods from exchange entirely.

The last thing Central and Eastern Europeans need right now is needless red tape complicating consumers’ daily lives.  The ECHA’s overly cautious approach would only add fuel to the fire. Inflation, the general rise in prices across the economy, has hit Central and Eastern European countries harder than most, leaving most people unable to afford as much as they did before and devaluing their savings. 

Annual inflation rates are projected to be higher than the 2023 EU average of 7.1 per cent (6.1 in the euro area) in countries such as Bulgaria (8.6 per cent), Lithuania (10.7 per cent), Estonia (11.2 per cent), and Hungary (a whopping 21.9 per cent). Yet the hazard-based process will ultimately exacerbate inflationary pressures.

Convincing the EU to change course

As the insights of economics show, the lower supply coupled with the same demand results in higher prices, driving inflation forward and causing more suffering to ordinary buyers. For all its good intentions, the hazard-based mentality will deteriorate Central and Eastern European consumers’ purchasing power and living standards.

The way to stop the worst scenario from materialising is to convince EU regulators to change course. 

Some member states, Bulgaria among them, have already acted via the Permanent Representatives Committee. 

On June 30 this year, the Committee requested the European Commission re-evaluate the status of essential oils as “more than one constituent substance” four years into the new legislation. All Central and Eastern European states should support the request. 

Moreover, they should champion the reinstatement of a risk-based mentality as the only science-driven option that keeps consumers safe without sacrificing their economic well-being. 

Central and Eastern Europeans would have one less thing to worry about.   

Originally published here

Move aspartame way down your worry list

Lots of things are ‘possibly’ carcinogenic, depending how and in what quantities you consume them

The International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC), a body associated with the World Health Organization, recently announced it will classify the artificial sweetener aspartame as “possibly carcinogenic.” The agency has yet to reveal the full data set on which this decision is based but whatever the upcoming release says, the announcement already has many consumers worried about their intake of sugar substitutes.

The truth is that aspartame is safe for consumption. The WHO’s new classification says more about flaws in the agency’s risk communication strategy than it does about aspartame.

IARC categorizes what it calls “agents” into four categories of carcinogen. Group 1 includes those where there is strong evidence of a link with cancer — radiation, for instance, or opium and tobacco. Group 3 agents have been analyzed and shown not to pose any cancer risk whatsoever. To the relief of many readers no doubt, one Group 3 agent is caffeine. Group 2A comprises those agents that are “probably carcinogenic,” indicating a higher risk than in Group 2B, which lists those agents that are “possibly carcinogenic” — which is where aspartame is going.

To determine whether an agent is carcinogenic or not, IARC does a hazard-based assessment, meaning it looks at an agent’s potential to cause harm, not the likelihood it actually will. But IARC is not a food safety agency and its findings say nothing about whether reasonable consumption would constitute a risk for consumers. In the case of aspartame, an individual weighing 60 kilograms would need to drink 12 to 36 cans a day of aspartame-sweetened soda to raise his or her potential cancer risk beyond baseline levels — which is why aspartame has been permitted for use in Canada and many other jurisdictions for over 40 years. While it is unclear how much of an increase you assume at the 12-36 drink range, it is likely less than one one-hundredth of a per cent, in absolute terms. Below this amount of consumption, consumers are not at risk.

Consumers need to understand that the responsibilities of the IARC are very different from those of the Joint FAO/WHO Expert Committee on Food Additives (JECFA) and that it uses quite different methods. JECFA has never found aspartame to be carcinogenic, while IARC, in the long list of products it has evaluated, almost always finds agents to be carcinogenic — because it does not take into account how much a reasonable consumer will take in.

For aspartame to be included in the 2B (i.e., “possible carcinogen”) category, only one of the following characteristics needs to be met: “limited evidence of carcinogenicity in humans, or sufficient evidence of carcinogenicity in experimental animals, or strong mechanistic evidence, showing that the agent exhibits key characteristics of human carcinogens.” “Limited evidence” means the agency does not need to establish a linear relationship between the agent and cancer in the same way it does in Group 1. This makes the “possibly” in “possibly carcinogenic” do a lot of heavy lifting.

The problem with IARC’s classifications is that ultimately they give consumers very limited information. When we remove exposure levels, i.e., dosage, from the equation, almost anything can become harmful. The sun is harmful on a hot summer day, yet most consumers limit their exposure by applying sunscreen or seeking shade. While there are instances in which the sun could be considered carcinogenic, it wouldn’t be good risk communication to label it as a cancer-causing agent, and therefore something to be avoided at all costs — not without alerting consumers to the fact that there is a healthy amount of sunshine they should feel comfortable getting. Just as there is an excessive amount of sunshine that would cause cancer, there is an excessive amount of aspartame that theoretically could too. However, most consumers don’t sunbathe to a cancer-inducing level or drink 10 litres of diet pop a day.

Aspartame and similar food additives have helped us move away from an additive we probably should consume with more care: sugar. Overconsumption of sugar can lead to significant health problems, including obesity and diabetes. Scaring people off artificial sweeteners by blurring the realities of risk perception risks pushing them back to sugar-sweetened drinks that are ultimately worse for them.

The classification of aspartame as a possible carcinogen also opens the floodgates for an entirely different scourge: tort lawyers. Especially in the United States, IARC’s hazard-based assessments have abetted class-action lawsuits that in jury-based trials have frivolously extracted millions of dollars from the manufacturers of safe products. This may enable some trial lawyers to afford high-rise apartments in New York but does little to advance public health.

Cancer is a major problem in our society, and more effort should be made to persuade consumers to modify behaviour that increases their risk of it. That said, advisory decisions such as the aspartame warning do the public health debate a disservice by distorting risk perceptions and feeding into conspiracies about the global food industry poisoning consumers.

Originally published here

The Federal Trade Commission’s embarrassing antitrust crusade

Lina Khan is one of the most radical chairs of the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) the United States has ever seen. Luckily for consumers, Khan has not been very successful. The latest evidence comes from San Francisco, where Judge Jacqueline Scott Corley of the United States District Court for the Northern District of California is presiding over the FTC v. Microsoft & Activision Blizzard’s preliminary injunction hearing.

The suit was brought on by the FTC over its expressed antitrust concerns for the burgeoning cloud video gaming industry. It’s not going well, and it’s because Khan is not guided by the traditional metrics of consumer protection and welfare that have long characterized the FTC’s approach to antitrust enforcement.

Coming off a predictable defeat in court against Meta over its bid to acquire the virtual-reality fitness company Within, President Biden’s antitrust warrior appears to have learned little. The FTC chair’s approach to blocking Meta’s purchase was to harken to an ominous “campaign to conquer VR” by Mark Zuckerberg, based on his previous acquisition of Oculus for the purpose of developing Meta’s capacity for VR headsets.

Where most see these tech acquisition deals as a simple matter of comparative advantage for companies looking to serve consumers better products at better prices, Lina Khan appears to see only the phantom of Standard Oil magnate John D. Rockefeller. It’s why her agency has adopted a more radical posture around antitrust policy, expanding its view of what constitutes unfair competition in a 2022 policy statement to include Yale-worthy buzzwords “exploitative, collusive, abusive” in its framework for identifying antitrust violations. The vagueness is the point.

In the minds of progressives like Khan who romanticize the antitrust battlesof the early 20th century, they’re carrying the banner against predatory price schemes and corporate monopolies. However, in nearly every fight Khan’s FTC has picked with big business (Amazon, Meta, Microsoft) since 2021, Khan has demonstrated what she wrote in the Yale Law Journal in 2017, that, “Animating these critiques is not a concern about harms to consumer welfare, but the broader set of ills and hazards that a lack of competition breeds.”

Khan fears corporate expansion (“powers we oppose”) of all kinds and believes it is the role of the federal government to erect obstacles and throw stones to slow their efforts, even when consumers are voting enthusiastically with their dollars for exactly what the tech sector is offering.

In the case of FTC v. Microsoft & Activision BlizzardKhan’s first week in court has been an embarrassment. At issue is whether or not Microsoft absorbing Activision-Blizzard presents a unique threat to competition within the cloud gaming space. Some video game companies keep their licensed games within the walled gardens of their console, such as Nintendo with access to Mario Kart or The Legend of Zelda. Others license their games cross-platform, such as Activision and their top hit, Call of Duty. For reasons unknown, the FTC has made it their mission to ensure that PlayStation, a Japanese company, has ready access to Call of Duty for its users.

Microsoft has offered a number of long-term licensing deals during this process to display good faith and disinterest in cutting off Sony from its major titles. It’s bad business for both parties. At the outset of the hearings, it was revealed via internal emails from within Sony, the unquestioned global leader in video game consoles and chief advocate of the FTC’s crusade, that they didn’t really care much at all about Call of Duty. In the words of Sony CEO Jim Ryan about Microsoft-Activision, “I don’t want a new Call of Duty deal. I just want to block your merger.”

Sony is who the FTC is working to protect, and American consumers should wonder why.

If the federal government is trying to block a company from being acquired, typically that company’s stock price doesn’t go up — but Activision’s has. That’s because, for almost everyone watching, it has become clear that Lina Khan’s FTC is not bringing a case to protect American consumers from corporate predation or an uncompetitive marketplace, but instead to merely make their presence known.

This is how chaperons act on a school field trip or middle school dance; they just want you to know they see you. Only in this case, “being seen” means millions in legal fees for all parties involved, including the public, who foots the bill for proceedings. 

It’s trolling on a multimillion-dollar government budget, and while it’s beneath the dignity of an institution dedicated to a level playing field for businesses and consumers alike, it’s very much on brand for Lina Khan.

Originally published here

The European Union’s new chemical regulations leave the bloc vulnerable to Chinese domination

The European Union’s Chemical Agency (ECHA) risks creating new problems for itself by moving from a risk to a hazard-based assessment of chemicals.

Sometimes, eliminating one set of problems only creates more dangers in their stead. The European Union’s Chemical Agency (ECHA) is about to do just that by moving from a risk to a hazard-based assessment of chemicals. Though seemingly just a change in words, the decision means regulators can label a substance as dangerous for its properties based on the material’s hypothetical characteristics rather than real-world exposure to harm. Simply put, policymakers will be able to introduce severe warning labels or prevent a product from entering the market if just one of its molecules could be dangerous based on hypothetical assessments under controlled laboratory setups. The ECHA’s new regulations threaten to undermine the European chemical market while making the Union progressively dependent on China for raw resources.

The case of essential oils encapsulates the problem. Essential oils are water or steam-based extracts integral to anything from perfumes and cosmetics to shampoos and natural insect repellents. They are vital components for the emergent market in clean beauty, with nine hundred ninety-two mixtures (including household names such as lavender, rose, and citronella) giving makeup its cleansing properties and deodorants their unique scent. When highly concentrated in doses containing 10% or higher quantities of emulsion, citronella, sage, and cinnamon also provide one to four hours of protection from mosquito and tick bites. And, unlike traditional DEET or picaridin sprays, they remain harmless to bees and the environment.

Despite all these benefits, essential oils’ designation as complex natural substances will have to change with the introduction of hazard-based thinking. Rule-makers will label the mixtures as dangerous chemicals or ban them entirely under EU regulation 2021/1902. In either case, European consumers tend to avoid buying products with skulls and crossbones stamped on them.

It is no understatement to say that the consequences for the 3.53-billion-euro EU market would be dire. Once the ECHA’s new rules are fully adopted, current EU and world leaders in the supply of essential oils, like Bulgaria, France, and Italy, stand to lose. Bulgaria will no longer be the top producer of rose oil, wasting between 800kg and two tonnes of the material and 92 million euros worth of exports. Italy is single-handedly responsible for 95% of the world’s bergamot production and will lose 174 million euros. France is the third-largest exporter and the second-biggest producer of lavender, worth 458 million euros in exports that it would have to give up on. Moreover, smaller producers in each of these countries stand to lose the most as it would be too expensive for them to replace essential oils with other products (putting the 4500 family businesses behind Italian bergamot in danger).

The story does not stop there. The ECHA’s decision will allow China to dominate the essential oils market with impunity. Chinese lavender production is already at an all-time high, with 40 tonnes harvested yearly, ten of which are reserved for exports. The contraction of the European market will allow China to step in and become the world’s substitute for essential oils, overcoming its previously estimated growth in the sector of 10.8% over the next eight years. The news would be welcome under ideal economic circumstances of free trade and open, voluntary specialization within a global market; however, in our world, the Chinese state controls Xinjiang Province’s lavender reserves. As such, the Chinese Communist Party could cut access to raw materials to make liberal democracies surrender. Far from being safer, consumers are left more exposed to geopolitical blackmail by authoritarian regimes.

Policymakers should urge the ECHA to reverse its hazard-based reasoning in favor of risk-oriented thinking. Regulators should emphasize safe levels of intended use, which, in the case of essential oils, means allowing the European market to thrive (stepping in only to prevent force and pseudo-scientific fraud).  In so doing, the European Union can benefit from diversifying its essential oil sources, thus protecting consumers from the vagaries of great power politics.

Originally published here

Newly proposed EU rules threaten the clean beauty market

New EU rules are coming after scented candles, perfumes, and wellness routines. The clean beauty cosmetics market has grown substantially as more European customers move from synthetic cosmetics to natural replacements. Put into numbers, the sector reached 2.29 billion euros in 2022 and is projected to surpass 3 billion in 2026. This growth is thanks to water or steam extracts called essential oils. Chances are your favorite sustainable make-up includes one of nine-hundred ninety-two such emulsions – some of which are household names like lavender, cinnamon, rose, and sage. If that were not enough, your preferred bio-degradable perfume most likely comes from one of the fragrances essential oils provide. Nevertheless, consumers should worry about the future of the industry. The European Chemicals Agency (ECHA) wants to move from a risk to a hazard-based assessment of essential oils, leaving the entire business in limbo.

For non-experts, ‘risk’ and ‘hazard’ may sound the same. They are, however, very different ways of thinking about regulation. Hazard assesses the characteristics of a substance alone to arrive at a recommendation; risk, too, looks at the nature of a compound before also considering probabilities and exposure levels. Less abstractly, it’s the difference between judging cars as dangerous per se versus looking at the chances of an accident to decide whether the situation threatens one’s safety.

The consequences of each method are at odds, too. Where hazard will shy away from any material as long as there is even hypothetical proof that it is dangerous, risk assessment accepts that an item may pose a problem only after a certain concentration threshold has been exceeded. Using the same analogy again, it is akin to never hopping into a car out of fear of what could happen on the one hand and deciding to drive after establishing the safest route to go on the other.

The ECHA’s change of heart sees essential oils labeled as dangerous. So long as a single molecule (examined under the right laboratory conditions) becomes an issue, consumers will see a skull and crossbones on the beauty product’s packaging. Buyers then tend (research suggests) to avoid the items on sale.

Producers are consequently in a bind. They could look for alternatives to essential oils, yet most substitutes are already banned under EU regulation 2021/1902. So the option in many cases will be to pull out of the market altogether. As the dominoes fall, shampoos, shower gels, conditioners, foundation make-up, colognes, and deodorants are no longer available. Hazard-based thinking subsequently causes billions of euros in current and future revenue losses and leaves consumers with far fewer options.

The trouble does not end there, though. Several European countries are top producers of essential oils and will take the full brunt of the clean beauty market’s fall. Bulgaria is the world’s champion in rose oil extraction, responsible for distilling almost 2 tonnes of the material annually. Its 92 million euros worth of exports to France and Germany are now in danger. The loss would be another terrible blow to the EU’s poorest nation. France, the world’s third-largest producer of essential oils, sees 458 million euros wiped out thanks to the ECHA’s scheme. Italy is a crucial node in the global supply chain of one emulsion in particular – 95% of all bergamot oil is produced in the southern part of the country by a group of Calabrian families passing down techniques from generation to generation. Interrupting the trade will cost Italy upwards of 174 million euros and disrupt a way of life, all while throwing global trade into chaos.

Hazard cannot, therefore, wish trade-offs away, only worsen them. Giving up on a car will see you stranded when you need one the most; giving up on essential oils throws away valuable products and scuppers an entire business. Policymakers should encourage the ECHA to adopt a risk-based view, judging substances by safe use levels rather than all-or-nothing thinking. Now that is a wellness program all consumers can get behind.

Originally published here

How a Sweden pushback against essential oils would hurt consumers

Whether you’re applying perfume before a night out or mosquito repellent this summer, you might use essential oils in the process. The concentrated extractions from plants are used widely in the home and not only for wellness bloggers – they freshen up your laundry, treat your acne, and fend off fruit flies. Yet under EU new rules pushed, essential oil use could become severely disrupted. The Swedish presidency of the European Union has the chance to keep insect bites away from our summers.

The EU’s Chemical Agency ECHA has announced plans to shift its assessments of chemical compounds (which includes even simple plant extracts) from a risk-based assessment to a hazard-based assessment. The difference is not merely semantic. In risk communications, “risk” and “hazard” mean different things in the English language.

Let’s use the example of just being outside. The sun represents a hazard, because outside of giving you a sunburn through its UV light, it can cause more severe conditions such as skin cancer. People manage this hazard by limiting their exposure, such as standing in the shade, bringing in a parasol or applying sun cream. The equation thus becomes risk = hazard x exposure. The question of any risk assessment is therefore: how likely is it that a certain product will negatively affect its users?

If you applied a hazard-based approach to life, you would fear cars on roads you are not crossing, duck under planes that are flying at a normal altitude, or, quite frankly, not go outside at all. Unfortunately, ECHA intends on applying this overtly overcautious approach to essential oils, by labeling them as dangerous. The agency is incentivised to assess essential oil under the Classification, Labelling and Packaging (CLP) Regulation ((EC) No 1272/2008), meaning it would require them to carry warning labels pointing to its danger or be restricted from sale.

As with anything, dosage makes the difference. While a glass of water is perfectly safe, consuming more than five liters in under an hour could actually kill you through water intoxication. The same applies to essential oil: while mosquito-repellent is perfectly safe for humans to use and (fortunately) very unpleasant to mosquitos, it can be toxic if you drink it. While this fact seems obvious to consumers, who are also advised to keep essential oils or chemicals such as cleaning products away from children, it appears to escape regulators who believe it is a hazardous substance.

If consumers do not have access to essential oil products or are disincentivized from their use, they are likely to shift to artificial and possibly more harmful alternatives, such as bug repellents containing diethyltoluamide, known as DEET, which can affect the human nervous system and negatively impact plants and animals.

Warning labels can have a lasting effect on how consumers view the products they buy. If essential oils are subdued by unwarranted danger labels, it could shift consumers to worse alternatives, and impact an industry that is also important. In 2022, the global market value of essential oil surpassed €24 billion. In 2021, France exported over €450 million worth of essential oil products. This means that regulation currently supported by the Swedish presidency would not only affect consumers in the EU and Sweden alike, it would also undermine this country’s own vibrant and developing industry.

Chemical policy is nerdy, and it’s certainly not as appealing as the essential oil used to make our perfumes. Yet it is important to remind regulators that a paternalistic and hazard-based approach to their classification is neither necessary nor practical. Policy-makers need to weigh the risks and benefits of each product and act accordingly. In this case, acting accordingly means NOT labeling everything that contains essential oils as dangerous, most importantly… because in moderate use they aren’t.

Originally published here

Europe’s Farm Reforms Come to Haunt It

When the European Commission (the EU’s executive arm) unveiled the “Farm to Fork” (often referred to as F2F) strategy in May 2020, the repercussions of the years to come were unknown. Brussels laid out an ambitious roadmap for agricultural reform: reducing land use, severe cuts in synthetic crop protection, reduction in synthetic fertilizers and boosting organic production.

Three years later, the strategy at the heart of the European Green Deal faces stark opposition, even from within. The commission’s agriculture commissioner, Janusz Wojciechowski, has said he thinks F2F unfairly disadvantages Eastern European member states. And farm lobbies oppose the plans based on feasibility. In arguing for pausing the F2F, President Emmanuel Macron of France said, “Europe cannot afford to produce less.”

Arguably, the commission has been surprised by two events that will continue to shake Europe: the COVID-19 pandemic and the incurred recovery spending, and the war in Ukraine. Ukraine and Russia are large food exporters to the European Union, which relies on them for everything from fertilizers to non-GMO animal feed. However, the commission also failed to deliver on impact assessments. While a U.S. Department of Agriculture study found the Farm-to-Fork strategy would shrink Europe’s food trade and even GDP, Brussels faced criticism from European Parliament lawmakers who claimed its impact assessments were delayed and overly optimistic.

The flagship legislative cornerstones of F2F are stuck in inter-governmental dispute: the reduction of chemical pesticides pins farm-heavy member countries against the commission; Italy rejects the EU’s approach on food labeling, which it believes discriminates against the Mediterranean diet; and EU trade partners take issue with the planned animal welfare rules. 

On trade, Europe is opening itself up to battles at the level of the World Trade Organization because it also requires trade partners to start imposing agricultural regulation that mirrors its own. African nations have pointed out that EU food rules unjustly discriminate against foreign imports.

The baseline for F2F is the precautionary principle, a legal doctrine that has imposed the strictest food standards on European farming. While this system appears cautious on its surface, it has also prevented European farmers from using modern technological advances in their work. Take gene editing: as CRISPR-Cas9 technology revolutionizes foodstuffs in the United States, Canada and Brazil, it remains banned in the EU under precautionary rules. Producers would have to disprove all eventual negative side-effects before getting market access.

Contrary to risk-based analyses, this is what scientists refer to as hazard-based risk assessments. Hazard, in this context, refers to the possibility of doing harm, while risk refers to the probability that it will. This approach has led to the ban of many chemical pesticides authorized for use in the United States.

EU rules on greenhouse gas emissions have also angered farmers across the continent. Last summer, Dutch farmers descended on the cities to protest nitrous oxide reduction targets. Nitrous oxide and methane emissions are byproducts of livestock, for instance, when manure decomposes — an effect Dutch authorities are trying to avoid by buying farmers out of their livestock business.

Agricultural expos these days flaunt high-tech solutions: smart sprayers, drones, and AI-powered data analysis. New breeding technologies allow plant breeders to create efficient and resource-saving crops, meaning that we produce more with less, effectively surpassing peak agricultural land use. 

The U.S. Department of Agriculture’s Agriculture Innovation Agenda has made innovation a prime target for biodiversity and sustainability gains. Meanwhile, Europe feels the weight of an agricultural policy that essentially asks farmers to cease their professions to protect the environment — an approach that is coming to haunt it as international trade and losses in purchasing power lay bare the vulnerabilities of our food systems.

Originally published here

Taiwan Is About to Ban the Use of Nicotine Vapes

Taiwan looks set to become the next country in Asia to ban nicotine vaping products.

On January 12, amendments to the Tobacco Hazards Prevention Act effectively cleared the legislative floor. Now, the legislation only awaits a presidential nod—a formality given that President Tsai Ing-wen is from the ruling Democratic Progressive Party that proposed it. 

The news, which arrives not long after the Philippines enacted relatively pro-vape regulations, has elicited strong reactions from consumers, policy experts and medical experts, who had some hopes that the tide might be turning in favor of tobacco harm reduction (THR). 

Taiwan appears to be emulating regulations in nearby Japan, where heated tobacco products (HTPs) are sold legally but nicotine vapes are prohibited. The availability of HTPs in Japan has seen a dramatic reduction in cigarette sales. But THR advocates will wonder why an option indicated to have an even lower risk profile—and shown to be a more effective smoking cessation aid than nicotine replacement therapy—is about to become formally illegal. Other Asian countries to have banned vapes include India and Thailand

In Taiwan’s strained governmental nomenclature, HTPs have been classified “designated tobacco products” and are subject to regulation, while vaping devices have been accorded the category of “tobacco-like products.” The imminent ban includes use of e-cigarettes, with penalties of up to $330 for violations. (Previously, vapes had existed in something of a legal gray area.)

This has ignited debate in Taiwan, a country of 24 million where 13 percent of the population smokes, including almost a quarter of men. While millions of upset vape users have been left in the lurch, anti-tobacco groups are meanwhile demanding HTPs be banned too. The law, which will likely come into effect in a month after the presidential assent, will inevitably force vape shops to close and a rapidly growing industry to shutter or go underground.

While it’s difficult to deduce the motivations for the legislative decision, Taiwan policy experts and vape users point to a combination of misinformation, financial considerations trumping public health, and the positions taken by World Health Organization’s Framework Convention for Tobacco Control (WHO FCTC) on novel nicotine alternatives.

“The issue did not have enough public discussion and the approach to harm reduction should be more thoroughly debated,” Simon Lee, the Taiwan policy fellow at Consumer Choice Center, a global consumer advocacy group in Washington, told Filter. “For instance, we have seen misinformation, especially with regard to nicotine, circulating among anti-tobacco activists. It is beyond reasonable doubt that Taiwan’s consumers deserve a much better outcome.”

Read the full text here

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