Monat: 9J

From sustainability to protectionism: The EU’s farm-to-fork u-turn

Bill Wirtz is a Senior Policy Analyst at the Consumer Choice Centre who specializes in evidence-based policy-making, agriculture, trade policy, and lifestyle choices. Originally from Luxembourg, he publishes in German, French, and English. Wirtz keynoted the recent CropConnect conference in Winnipeg, Manitoba.

In an interview following the CropConnect presentation, Wirtz focused on the EU’s Farm-to-Fork Strategy.

The European Union’s agriculture reforms, introduced under the Farm-to-Fork Strategy, were set with high expectations. This strategy outlines key goals for the EU’s agricultural sector, with legislation designed to achieve them. But in Wirtz’s words, the strategy failed.

By 2030, the strategy aimed to reduce synthetic pesticide use by 50%, cut fertilizer use by 20%, and increase organic production to 25% (currently at about 10%, significantly higher than Canada but still a fraction of the total output. Reduce farmland by 10% across the EU.

These ambitious reforms were intended to promote sustainability and reduce environmental impact, though their effectiveness and impact on food production remain controversial.

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Die Spionageanfragen der britischen Regierung zwingen Apple, die Verschlüsselung für Benutzer schrittweise einzustellen

– Seit heute Nachmittag können neue Apple-Nutzer in Großbritannien Advanced Data Protection (APD), ein durchgängig verschlüsseltes Backup, nicht mehr für ihre Daten aktivieren. Als Reaktion auf die Forderungen der Regierung, eine Hintertür in Apples verschlüsseltes Ökosystem zu sichern, hat das Unternehmen beschlossen, diese Funktion aufzugeben und wird Daten weiterhin nur an Strafverfolgungsbehörden weitergeben. wenn ein Haftbefehl vorliegt

In einer Erklärung Mike Salem, UK-Länderbeauftragter des Consumer Choice Center (CCC), reagierte auf die Neuigkeiten: 

Dieser bedauerliche Schritt ist eine direkte Folge der Entscheidung der Regierung, Technologieunternehmen zur Herausgabe der Schlüssel zu unseren Daten zu zwingen und ihnen damit einen Blankoscheck für den Zugriff auf alle unsere Informationen ohne ordnungsgemäßes Verfahren auszustellen.“

„Jeder im Vereinigten Königreich sollte sich große Sorgen darüber machen, auf welche Informationen die Regierung nicht nur im Vereinigten Königreich, sondern weltweit zugreifen will. Über 40 öffentliche Behörden, darunter Polizei, Geheimdienste, HMRC und sogar Kommunalverwaltungen, können solche Durchsuchungsbefehle mit weitreichenden Befugnissen zur Kommunikations- und Datenüberwachung beantragen, und zwar mit garantierter Genehmigung.“

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Trump’s actions on offshore wind energy won’t help consumers

President Donald Trump was relentless on the campaign trail in his commitment to unleash American prosperity with an energy revolution. From the oil wells of the American West to the gas pipelines of the Midwest, Trump said his administration will reverse the anti-energy policies of the Biden White House by finally letting energy explorers and entrepreneurs do what they do best. But Trump’s energy revolution may have limits after he signed an executive order freezing permits for new offshore wind projects.

Issued on his first day in office, the order halts all future wind energy leases on the offshore continental shelf and denies renewals for existing projects. It also requires the Department of the Interior to review wind energy leases nationwide, including inland.

Trump’s distaste for wind energy and its environmental effects are well-known (“they drive the whales crazy”), but this campaign against a functional source of electricity is baffling.

The current energy output of commercial wind projects off America’s shore is just 174 megawatts, enough to power about 50,000 homes, produced off the coasts of Rhode Island, Virginia and New York.

But the total capacity could be as high as 80 gigawatts on windier days according to the National Renewable Energy Laboratory, meaning that at least half of this could still easily travel along transmission lines to power substations on our coasts.

If we were to conservatively estimate offshore wind capacity at 25%, this would still be enough to power all households in Virginia and Maryland for one year. If this amount of electricity can be produced by coastal areas and the companies can still make a profit doing it, why shouldn’t they be free to do so?

As usual, Trump’s criticism of this industry is half-right and half-wrong.

It is true that the Biden administration directed a lot of federal subsidies toward wind projects. Trump’s executive order calls for an assessment of the “economic costs associated with the intermittent generation of electricity and the effect of subsidies” because the industry received a large boost in President Joe Biden’s Inflation Reduction Act.

In the Department of Government Efficiency era, arguing for taxpayer subsidies toward specific energy sources is a losing battle. But kicking wind energy to the curb is a mistake.

The total amount of electricity generated by wind power in the United States was 12%. If our offshore capabilities in say, Virginia, matched those we have in the fields of Texas, which has as many as 160,000 wind turbines, that would make a noticeable difference to energy consumers.

Wind energy should be allowed to operate and compete in the free market for consumer dollars. If wind fails, let it fail. The same reasoning should be applied to all types of energy.

Trump’s executive order represents a sort of cognitive dissonance.

By questioning the contributions of wind energy, the president relies on studies mandated by the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) to make this determination. These are the same reports that have stunted the construction of energy projects and even stymied entrepreneur Elon Musk’s wishes to stage rocket launches in certain areas.

For Trump to use NEPA as justification for hostility to offshore wind, while at the same time unraveling NEPA in an executive order 24 hours later, is major league mixed messaging.

Wind energy was no doubt propped by Trump’s predecessor, but that fact shouldn’t deter Trump from using every available tool to deliver lower energy prices to consumers.

Energy abundance means shunning the degrowth mentality that got us here. It means endorsing every type of energy, wind, solar, oil or nuclear, that can freely compete for our dollars. Trump should get favoritism out of the energy markets.

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Bayerische Bahnhöfe schneiden im Europa-Vergleich schlecht ab – Experte übt harte Kritik

Bahnhöfe aus Bayern schneiden in einem europaweiten Ranking schlecht ab. Der Fahrgastverband Pro Bahn ordnet die Lage ein und sieht viele Problemfelder.

München – Die Bahn fällt bei vielen seit Jahren immer wieder in Ungnade. Ausfälle, teils hohe Verspätungen und eine marode Infrastruktur strapazieren in einer regen Regelmäßigkeit die Nerven von Fahrgästen. Ein weiteres Problemfeld: viele Bahnhöfe laden nur bedingt zum Bahnfahren ein. So erregten eine seit Monaten defekte Rolltreppe und in die Bahnhofshalle gelangende Wassermassen unlängst am Münchner Hauptbahnhof die Aufmerksamkeit der Reisenden.

Im Europäischer Bahnhofsindex 2024 kürte nun die amerikanische Lobby-Organisation „Consumer Choice Center“ die besten Bahnhöfe Europas. Auffällig dabei: die drei schlechtesten Bahnhöfen kamen alle aus Deutschland. Auch so manch Münchner Bahnhof wurde sehr kritisch bewertet. Doch was ist dran an dem US-Ranking der berüchtigten Lobby-Organisation?

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Bruxelles peut-elle réellement relancer la compétitivité ?

Après des années d’emballement réglementaire, la Commission européenne semble amorcer un virage vers la simplification et la dérégulation. Mais cette évolution est-elle réelle et suffisante pour restaurer la compétitivité de l’Europe ?

Depuis que Ursula von der Leyen a réussi à décrocher un second mandat à la tête de la Commission européenne, la grande question qui se pose est la suivante : peut-elle passer du rôle de tsar de l’environnement à celui de reine de l’industrie ? J’avais déjà soulevé cette interrogation dans un article publié en juillet dernier ; un an plus tard, quel bilan peut-on en tirer ?

« Il y a eu de nombreux changements de contexte, mais il y a aussi eu une observation objective, faite dans les rapports Letta et Draghi, selon laquelle l’appétit de l’Europe pour la réglementation est devenu un obstacle à la compétitivité. » Ce n’est pas moi qui le dis, mais un diplomate français cité récemment par Politisch, alors qu’Emmanuel Macron essuie des critiques à Bruxelles pour avoir tenté de diluer les règles environnementales.

Il y a indéniablement un mouvement en cours, que j’observe de près dans le secteur agricole. On assiste à une simplification des contraintes réglementaires, à un accès facilité aux paiements directs pour les agriculteurs, et même à un engagement clair en faveur du maintien de l’élevage comme pilier de la chaîne agroalimentaire européenne.

C’est un changement de ton notable par rapport au passé, lorsque certains pays comme les Pays-Bas envisageaient d’éliminer progressivement un tiers de l’ensemble de l’élevage.

Au cours des prochains mois, des méthodes de simplification seront mises en place pour la directive sur les rapports de durabilité des entreprises (CSRD), les règles de diligence raisonnable (CSDDD) et la taxonomie de l’UE. Le programme de travail de la Commission européenne indique ceci :

« La Commission proposera notamment de rationaliser et de simplifier les rapports sur le développement durable, le devoir de diligence en matière de développement durable et la taxonomie, et de créer une nouvelle catégorie de petites entreprises de taille moyenne avec des exigences adaptées. D’autres mesures faciliteront la mise en œuvre du programme InvestEU et du Fonds européen pour les investissements stratégiques, notamment en simplifiant les rapports, et en stimulant l’investissement. Nous accélérerons la mise en place d’un environnement réglementaire numérique et proposerons de supprimer les exigences inefficaces relatives aux formats papier dans la législation sur les produits et de créer des synergies et une cohérence pour les règles relatives à la protection des données et à la cybersécurité. Les mesures de simplification concernant la politique agricole commune et d’autres domaines d’action touchant les agriculteurs permettront de s’attaquer aux sources de complexité et de charge administrative excessive pour les administrations nationales et les agriculteurs. »

En outre, le Parlement européen a également joué son rôle, en votant en faveur de la déréglementation des cultures génétiquement modifiées (à la fin de la législature précédente), et plus récemment, en votant en faveur du report des règles anti-déforestation, qui nuiraient aux entreprises européennes.

Ce qui se passe au sein de la Commission européenne est à la fois surprenant et porteur d’espoir. Les médias spécialisés sur l’UE rapportent que les décisions concernant la législation omnibus, destinée à simplifier et alléger la réglementation, sont prises directement au plus haut niveau, sans l’intervention des échelons intermédiaires. C’est une bonne nouvelle : pour une fois, on supprime réellement des règles sans les soumettre au filtre des jeunes diplômés du Collège d’Europe, âgés de 26 ans, souvent prompts à imposer leurs certitudes sur le fonctionnement des entreprises des autres.

Oserais-je dire que j’ai confiance dans ce processus ? Pas vraiment. La déréglementation était nécessaire depuis longtemps, mais je doute que Mme von der Leyen soit la mieux placée pour la mener à bien. Avait-elle une conviction profonde lorsqu’elle a porté le Green Deal européen ? Probablement pas. Elle s’est avant tout inscrite dans la dynamique Greta Thunberg après les élections de 2019. Pourtant, elle n’a toujours pas supprimé bon nombre des règles anticoncurrentielles du Green Deal, pourtant essentielles pour aller de l’avant. Entre son inclination verte et son virage vers la dérégulation, difficile de dire de quel côté elle penche réellement.

La compétitivité n’est pas une question de changements cosmétiques. Nous avons besoin de moins de règles, de moins d’argent pour les ONG qui plaident en faveur d’une réglementation plus stricte, et d’une Europe ouverte aux affaires. L’Europe peut y arriver, mais nous devons cesser de nous mettre des bâtons dans les roues.

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Canada urged to stand up to EU mirror clauses

WINNIPEG – Canada should be pushing back against the European Union on agricultural regulations and its attempts to impose its policies on other countries, says a consumer advocate.

The EU has been promoting the idea of “mirror clauses,” in which farmers in other countries must follow regulations that apply to European producers.

If not, the EU won’t accept commodities such as canola and durum from Canada.

“To trade with us, your regulatory level needs to mirror ours,” said Bill Wirtz, senior policy analyst for the Consumer Choice Center, who specializes in agriculture and trade.

The consumer advocacy group is an international organization, with offices in Washington, Brussels, London and Kuala Lumpur.

“You can only export to Europe if the production methods are comparable to Europe.”

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Budget tightens grip on a citizen’s wallet

The government’s 2025 Union Budget promises growth, innovation, and self-reliance. But beneath the ambitious rhetoric, one persistent problem remains unaddressed over-taxation. The ever-growing tax burden on consumers and businesses continues to stifle economic activity, reduce purchasing power, and limit choices for ordinary Indians. While the government proudly claims that its policies will accelerate growth, its taxation approach achieves exactly the opposite of its stated goals. 

The Indian tax system remains a big black hole, where high direct and indirect taxes consume a sizable chunk of disposable income and stifle consumer spending. The economic survey also acknowledges India’s struggle to bolster the production of essential goods to aid economic growth. Yet, instead of reducing financial strain and simplifying taxes so that production is easier and ordinary consumers have more money to spend, the budget reinforces the system that drains taxpayers without delivering benefits. The government’s National Manufacturing Mission aims to bolster India’s industrial sector, but high taxes on raw materials and corporate earnings discourage risk-taking and innovation. Consider India’s EV sector, which faces import duties of up to 70 per cent on key components. While the Budget talks about promoting domestic production, it simultaneously penalizes companies reliant on global supply chains.

Consumers, in turn, face limited choices and higher costs for electric vehicles, slowing adoption and sustainability goals. Reckless government spending and high taxes often cause consumers to pay the price in the form of hidden taxes. Argentina serves as a prime example of the consequences of decades of high spending and heavy taxation eroding the purchasing power of consumers. India risks heading down the same route if taxation continues to outpace economic growth and productivity. The government should remove wasteful subsidies, simplify spending, and create a tax system that empowers consumers and promotes growth. A pro-consumer tax system should focus on transparency, lower tax rates, and efficiency.

The Union Budget could have adopted Singapore’s approach, with low tax rates and minimal bureaucratic barriers, transforming the country into a global business hub while keeping goods and services affordable for consumers. India can follow suit by streamlining taxation and reducing rates in essential sectors fostering economic growth and consumer prosperity. The government should forge a system that promotes innovation, investment, and consumer choice. The Irish tax reforms of the 1980s and 1990s are a striking example of tax policy driving economic growth. Ireland took bold steps to address the economic stagnation, slash corporate tax rates, and streamline the tax structure. 

This led to the economic boom called the “Celtic Tiger” era. With greater foreign investment, businesses thrived, and consumer spending increased significantly. India could benefit by adopting a similar approach by cutting down corporate tax and adjusting income to stimulate domestic demand and foster a dynamic and competitive economy. The government’s vision for India’s economic future is ambitious, but its reliance on high taxation contradicts its goals. To truly empower consumers, policymakers must recognize that lower taxes lead to higher economic participation, increased consumer spending, and greater business expansion. 

Instead of burdening citizens with excessive levies, India should take inspiration from global success stories and craft a taxation framework that fuels – not hinders – growth and prosperity. If India wants to achieve genuine self-reliance, it must start by letting consumers decide how to spend their own money rather than dictating it through over-taxation.

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Be wary of the CRA autofiling for taxes

Two complaints are most common among Canadians during tax time: taxes are too high, and filing taxes is too complicated. With every new kind of tax and deduction hitting Canadians every tax season, it’s no wonder something like autofiling might seem like an attractive prospect. The refrain is often that the government already knows what you owe, so why would they make you do the work to figure it out and, if you’re wrong, get you in trouble?

Enter autofiling, a program that at first glance seems to solve this problem. The Canadian Revenue Service (CRA) is now enabling low-income Canadians, often the people with the most straigh-forward claims as well as those who tend not to file on time or sometimes at all. However, as one American president once put it, some of the most terrifying words in the English language are I’m from the government and I’m here to help.

It should not come as a surprise that the government getting in the business of controlling your tax returns is not going to end well. This new system entails the CRA automatically filing your taxes based on all the relevant information they have on hand, plus what they receive from third parties. Or, at least, what they think they have received from third parties. One Quebec man received an “unreported income letter” from the CRA after using the CRA’s autofill feature to fill out his TurboTax return. The CRA claimed that he had not filed investment income on his tax return as a result of a third party tax slip not appearing on his CRA account. It was never submitted because the CRA simply did not receive it in time.  As a result, the CRA, which had themselves made the mistake in the autofill, issued the man a Notice of Reassessment and a fine of $70,000 in arrears interest

The CRA encourages taxpayers to use their autofill system to fill out their tax returns, and then fines them because the CRA did not have a certain document. If the CRA wants to enact an autofile system for Canadians, how can taxpayers trust that the CRA isn’t going to make a mistake and then make the taxpayer pay for it? If there is a fight over a return, who would arbitrate this disagreement between the taxpayer and the CRA? Well, the CRA of course. This massive conflict of interest is akin to your boss adjudicating himself over whether he’s paid you your wages or not. You likely aren’t going to win that fight. The British experiment with autofiling has gezeigt that the tax agency is not a reliable tax filer, since in 2010 six million taxpayers who used autofile received incorrect returns, and three-quarter of those returns overbilled taxpayers.

In addition to the harrowing possibility that the CRA could simply fine you for their own mistakes, autofiling will have to contend with the fact that the CRA is going to need a lot of information about the filer in order to make the system work. However, the CRA’s abysmal track record of being able to protect taxpayers’ privacy should scare Canadians away from this system. How can Canadians trust the government to protect that information when the CRA has proven time and again they cannot protect themselves from getting hacked. In 2014, the CRA allowed hackers access to 900 social security numbers. In 2020, hackers were able to use usernames and passwords they had previously stolen from the CRA to access peoples’ accounts, a breach which affected approximately 48,500 users. More recently, in 2021 the CRA admitted that they had to lock approximately 800,000 online accounts because third parties might have been able to obtain usernames and passwords. This centralization of data into one bureaucratic behemoth that cannot seem to be able to stop itself from getting hacked does not just flirt with danger, it invites cyber attacks, identity theft, and the potential misuse of personal information. 

There is often an elitist notion that low-income individuals can’t do things for themselves, and simply need help from those who obviously know better. This smug and paternalistic argument continues to prevail in systems like tax autofiling. If low-income people seem to not be able to do their taxes, that might be because most people in Canada of all socio-economic backgrounds find filing their taxes challenging. Rather than build this leviathan-looking program that will put legality and privacy at risk for Canadians, the CRA should focus on making tax filing less complicated by simplifying the tax code. There are many redundant tax credits that could be grouped together, small tax credits that are filed for with very little money in return, and different tax rates for small businesses that could simply be unified rather than having them file for multiple deductions and credits. For low-income Canadians more specifically, the CRA could simplify things by increasing the tax-free basic personal tax threshold from $15,705 in income to a higher amount. The CRA could even reduce the fines they impose on low-income people who file late, or expand the Community Volunteer Income Tax Program that has people from their community help them file their taxes if they need it. 

Tax autofiling has clearly failed in places like the United Kingdom, and promotes a system where the CRA is the judge, jury, and executioner of filings that they often get wrong, in a database that is often hacked. This should not give low-income Canadians a sense of relief, rather they should be worried that they are being targeted in a misguided attempt to make life easier for them. What all taxpayers in Canada need is a more simplified tax code that makes the process more streamlined and straight-forward rather than relying on the government to do the work for them. Whenever the government steps up to help, Canadians of all income brackets should seriously worry. 

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DOGE Is Right To Defang the CFPB

With a big tech-powered magnifying glass on federal websites, spending contracts, and government payment systems, Elon Musk’s band of DOGE system admins have been turning Washington inside out in their hunt for waste, fraud, and abuse. One of the most prized agencies on the chopping block is the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, heralded by progressives as an indispensable force for helping consumers wronged by financial institutions, but derided by fintech investors and conservatives as little more than a government “shakedown agency.” Consumers will be better off without the CFPB breathing down the neck of American companies. 

Since the inauguration of President Trump, the CFPB’s temporary leadership put an immediate halt on all work, also informing the Federal Reserve, which directly funds the agency, that it would no longer seek new funding. 

Sen. Elizabeth Warren, the intellectual force behind the agency’s founding, has been apoplectic. She’s argued that Trump is “firing the financial cop on the beat that makes sure your family doesn’t get scammed.”

The origin of the CFPB goes back to the rubble of the 2008 financial crisis when legislators saw this proposed agency as a viable response to the populist backlash engulfing Washington and Wall Street. Instead of penalizing wrongdoers, Congress funded bank bailouts and launched a “watchdog” group. The 2010 Dodd-Frank Financial Reform Act beauftragt new standards for lending, restricted capital that could be tapped for bank loans, and created the CFPB to police consumer finance. 

All functions performed by the five ehemalige federal banking supervisory agencies were rolled into the CFPB, granting it sole jurisdiction over non-depository firms and financial institutions with over $10 billion in assets. This empowered the agency to issue regulatory guidance, demand information from financial institutions, and launch civil actions in federal court.

Supporters of the CFPB point to an impressive record of close to $20 billion in consumer relief, as well as an additional $5 billion in civil penalties. Without the CFPB, fraudsters and scams would metastasize and consumer injustice would run wild, so they say. But this couldn’t be further from the truth.

As a regulatory agency with civil litigation authority, the CFPB is emboldened to file high-dollar lawsuits against financial firms. An estimate of the CFPB’s Datenbank of enforcement actions reveals that roughly 85% of all cases are settled out of court before a final ruling.

Companies often choose to settle, but this shouldn’t be mistaken for an admission of guilt. In a litigious societysuch as the United States where companies are routinely targeted in frivolous lawsuits, the court of public opinion matters just as much as the court of law. 

Firms prefer settling cases over having their name dragged through the mud for months on end in the media, something tort lawyers call a “nuisance settlement.” These expected costs are baked into large firms’ financial projections and are sometimes factored into pricing their goods and services for consumers. 

The CFPB is more akin to a state-backed tort law firm that can tap the nation’s central bank for resources while exploiting its do-gooder reputation for easy PR victories.

Rather than smart regulatory guidance to oversee a new generation of consumer finance firms, CFPB has relied on quick settlements out of court to squash innovative upstarts.

While CFPB enforcement has been successful in penalizing banks and lenders for how loans are structured or advertised, it does not take much imagination to see how this has impacted the investing climate for new competitors. Since CFPB’s founding, there are now 35% fewer financial institutions remaining for consumers to choose from, down from 15,000 to just roughly 9,000 today.

While there is high consumer demand for fintech, payment apps, and account offerings, including Bitcoin and cryptocurrency banks, CFPB’s chilling actions have slowed that innovation, leading to the recent calls for the agency to be gutted. And they’re right.

Most of CFPB’s functions are mirrored at the FTC on everything but finance. Regional Federal Reserve banks are also responsible for bank oversight and regulation, not to mention state banking regulators. Existing regulators have the reach, experience, and know-how to police would-be fraudsters and outright deceptive practices among banks. Why not let them?

For consumers who want next-level services and financial products, there is no question that CFPB’s litigious approach has impacted their ability to access credit and financial services. There must be a better way to regulate our financial institutions and protect consumers than a tort law firm with government authority. Congress could fold elements of the CFPB into the FTC, OCC, or even FDIC, and bad actors will still be policed. 

Consumers deserve to be protected, and they will be, but they also deserve a regulatory structure that rewards innovation and brings financial products to market that they can choose between.

The CFPB is due for defanging.

Ursprünglich veröffentlicht hier

Why the European Agricultural Model isn’t All it’s Cracked Up to Be

The European approach to agricultural regulation is often seen as a model of success, notes Bill Wirtz, senior policy analyst for the Consumer Choice Center based in Washington, D.C. 

“But I’m here to tell you—it’s not the case.” 

Wirtz, who hails from Luxembourg, opened today’s CropConnect conference in Winnipeg, Man., and doesn’t mince words when it comes to the European Union’s agricultural policies. He believes they’re not only problematic for Europe but could pose a threat to Canada in terms of trade, perception, and policy influence.

“There’s this idea that Europe has things figured out, and if only you replicated their model, you’d achieve greatness,” he says. “That’s simply not true.”

Understanding the EU: A Labyrinth of Complexity

“Who here thinks they understand how the European Union works?” Wirtz asks, smirking. “Nobody does—not even the people who work in it.”

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