Transportation

California’s proposed CARB rules for rail are a costly tax on consumers

Washington, D.C. – Tomorrow, the US House Transportation Committee will hold a hearing on the status of the California Air Resources Board’s (CARB) In Use Locomotive Regulation. The Environmental Protection Agency is due to issue a waiver to allow the state to proceed with this plan.

State regulators want to mandate unreasonable climate standards on rail cars, as well as mandatory spending accounts that will end up costing both rail firms and the consumers who rely on them to transport their goods. This will further inflate prices across the economy while providing no useful benefits for the climate or consumers.

Yaël Ossowski of the Consumer Choice Center recently authored a policy primer on “The Consumer Case for Reimagining and Innovating Railroad Policy” with several policy suggestions for modernizing state and federal rules on rail firms.

He had this to say about the upcoming hearing in Congress, “We desperately need to think beyond emissions mandates and caps as a way to regulate vital industries that power our economy, and luckily Congress recognizes this. There  are more innovative ways to craft railroad policy for the 21st century beyond punitive and unworkable mandates that force climate agendas without understanding how they impact consumers of modest means. We should respect the principles of technology neutrality and innovation that will help speed along an energy transition faster than rules from bureaucracies. The rule as proposed by California’s environmental regulators, would do the opposite.”

In regulatory comments provided to the EPA, the Consumer Choice Center made the case against the California rule that would have ripple effects on the entire economy.

“Beyond the dubious legal and jurisdictional circumstances that propel this proposed state regulation,” said Yaël Ossowski, “We believe it would also serve to negatively harm consumers who will suffer from higher prices on end goods, fewer innovations in transportation generally because of the massive compliance costs, and would end up acquiescing most of our nation’s environmental policies to a few partisan regulators in our most populous state – policies that do more harm than good.”

The Consumer Choice Center recently published a policy primer that examines similar regulations proposed at the federal level that would also undermine innovation in the rail sector and likely result in higher costs of transportation that would be passed onto consumers.

“Rather than impose unworkable and costly environmental regulations on railroads, Americans deserve innovative railroad policies that increase competition, generate investment, and ensure that lower costs can be passed down to consumers who rely on rail for their homes and businesses. 

The current framework of the California Air Resources Board’s locomotive rules stands against the principles of consumer choice, innovation, and the American system of competition. We are glad Congress will now have the opportunity to examine it as well.”


About the Consumer Choice Center:

The Consumer Choice Center is a non-profit organization dedicated to defending the rights of consumers around the world. Our mission is to promote freedom of choice, healthy competition, and evidence-based policies that benefit consumers. We work to ensure that consumers have access to a variety of quality products and services and can make informed decisions about their lifestyle and consumption. 

Find out more at www.consumerchoicecenter.org

Is California using climate rules to regulate trains out of existence?

The State of California has a unique point of view on the future of private rail transportation. Environmental regulators in the Golden State are seeking to impose an industry-wide transition plan for locomotives, forcing them to switch to “emission-free” trains within a time span of just over ten years.

That’s the scope of a rule passed by the California Air Resources Board, called In-Use Locomotive Regulation, forcing rail firms that pass through the state to switch to mostly electric train cars by the year 2035 in order to “achieve emission reductions from diesel-powered locomotives.”

Considering the market for emission-free locomotives is, at present, nonexistent, this rule attempts to speed up the entrepreneurial process for developing alternative energy sources for the trains that power a large proportion of the American transportation economy.

This same rule would also require rail firms that operate in California to set funds aside in a mandated “Spending Account” that will be presumably used for some level of environmental compliance.

While that effort may be in earnest, it will likely end up costing both rail firms and the consumers that rely on those firms to transport their goods dearly, driving up prices across the economy while providing no useful benefits for the climate nor consumers.

In staking out the regulatory path for this rule, we must ask whether the State of California is using climate rules to regulate trains out of existence?

As an organization, the Consumer Choice Center is deeply concerned with how regulatory changes impact consumers for better or worse and add to the mounting cost of living when Americans buy both goods and services. 

We believe there are more innovative ways to craft railroad policy in our nation in a way that will provide better dividends, lower prices, and more savings to consumers, all while respecting the principle of technology neutrality and innovation that will help speed along an energy transition.

The rule as proposed by California’s environmental regulators, however, would do the opposite.

This was the comment we provided to the Environmental Protection Agency (see below), which must consider the CARB’s rule before it can be finally authorized and adopted, according to the guidelines provides by the federal Clear Air Act. We also provided comment on a coalition letter with a group of other taxpayer, consumer, and nonprofit organizations.

Because the regulation imposes significant costs on rail firms, and because California happens to be the most populous state, it is likely that such a rule would have wide ripples throughout the country, and we therefore encourage the EPA to reject the waiver sought by state regulators.

Beyond the dubious legal and jurisdictional circumstances that propel this proposed state regulation, we believe it would also serve to negatively harm consumers who will suffer from higher prices on end goods, fewer innovations in transportation generally because of the massive compliance costs, and would end up acquiescing most of our nation’s environmental policies to a few partisan regulators in our most populous state – policies that do more harm than good.

“US consumers don’t deserve California-imposed regulations that raise the prices of their goods”

In the 21st century, railroads still remain an integral part of the domestic consumer economy, moving over 1.6 billion tons of commodities and goods between ports, factories, and warehouses. While container ships may bring raw materials and products to ports, freight rail is used to transport those items to trucking centers or distribution hubs before they make their final trajectory.

These “middle miles” for commodities and finished products we buy both online and in stores mean that millions of American consumers depend on a highly competitive, efficient, and productive freight rail industry to get products in our homes and businesses.

While competition for transportation of both raw and finished goods is intense – whether it be by trucking, rail, or air freight – the existing restrictions and bureaucratic requirements imposed on freight rail firms have subjected the industry and those who depend on it to an unpredictable regulatory regime and enforcement more akin to central planning than a robust system of free enterprise. 

The regulation sought by the CARB would not only undermine progress in competition in transportation, but it would also allow state regulators to pick the winners and losers in nation-wide transportation.

The CARB’s regulation would require “emission-free” locomotive trains by the next decade, something that is not yet feasible nor even possible. It would also require different rail firms to purchase entirely new fleets of trains that would fit these stringent rules, representing costs of billions of dollars throughout the economy that will inevitably be passed on to shipping clients and the consumers that depend on the products to be shipped. This would represent a direct tax on consumers without a measurable climate goal, which should be reason enough to reject this proposal.

There is little to no evidence that forcing newly built trains will somehow make a measurable difference in the fight against climate change, especially considering that rail represents one of the transportation industries with the lowest CO2 emissions, and is constantly improving on its own and by its own incentives. Such a rule elevates government-directed innovation over market-based innovation, and would likely end up being much more costly without discernible results for the climate.

What’s more, the California rule would require rail firms to commit to the bizarre funding of “spending accounts” in order to comply with future environmental regulations. Instead of investing in more efficient and affordable transport that can carry savings on to consumers who rely on shipped goods, companies would be required to set aside money directly in response to new regulations not yet written. 

This is not only an extralegal requirement to put on private business, but it would also be a dangerous precedent for the regulation of any industry, especially one that is relied upon by millions of Americans. Interstate commerce, represented by rail firms, trucking, and even aviation, should not be required to follow additional costly mandates by one particular state in contravention of our Constitution.

Rather than impose unworkable and costly environmental regulations on railroads, Americans deserve innovative railroad policies that increase competition, generate investment, and ensure that lower costs can be passed down to consumers who rely on rail for their homes and businesses. 

The current framework of the California Air Resources Board’s locomotive rules stands against the principles of consumer choice, innovation, and the American system of competition. 

For the sake of all consumers, we hope the EPA rejects this waiver and does right by Americans who deserve better rules and regulations to address their way of life.

Ranked and rated: Europe’s best and worst countries for train travel

All travellers like trains. European travellers love them. An InterRail trip is a rite of passage that stays in the memory. The Eurostar is to millennials what boat trains were for Gen X: a portal to an entire continent. European railway stations – usually prominent, often palatial – suggest history and romance. They feature in classic films, novels and music. In a climate-conscious world, railways remain the greenest alternative. They are safer and cause less stress than driving. For anyone keen to see the world, is there any better place than beside a train window?

So, with this in mind, we’ve taken the rail networks of Europe’s 15 largest (open) countries to task, rating each one on the factors that matter most. Read on to find out which ailing national networks are best avoided (and those with a highlight that’s nevertheless worth the hassle), and which are the finest options for a successful rail-based escape – whether it be your next spring city break, or a glorious weeks-long odyssey that snakes from coast to countryside. 

15. Greece

Bringing up the rear in our ranking is this snaking country of jagged coasts, islands, mountains and peninsulas, which has never quite made the railways work for its people. There are trains every few hours linking Athens and Thessaloniki (under five hours), but much of the timetable is spattered with dreaded rail replacement buses. Floods in 2023 have led to a near collapse of the network. Toy trains operate in some touristy areas, such as the Odontotos rack railway – though that was recently stopped by landslides. Athens used to luxuriate in services to Berlin and was once a branch of the Orient Express. There were trains to Turkey via Pythio and North Macedonia via Idomeni. The pandemic shut down what was already a dwindling service and international lines to Sofia, Skopje and Bucharest remain closed. Athens has the most underwhelming main station of any country in Europe – which sort of sums things up.

Read the full text here

Augmentation des billets de trains: à quad la véritable concurrence?

Pourquoi la SNCF augmente ses prix tandis que sa concurrence, qui doit aussi payer ses trains, son personnel et son énergie, réduit les siens ?

Les associations d’usagers de Normandie ont déjà exprimé leur mécontentement concernant les tarifs des trains, suite à la hausse moyenne de 6% mise en place pour 2023. De plus, il a été annoncé qu’il y aurait une augmentation supplémentaire en 2024« On est toujours dans un contexte inflationniste et la convention qu’on vient de signer avec SNCF pour dix ans prévoit qu’on paie des augmentations tarifaires”, explique Jean-Baptiste Gastinne, le vice-président de la région de Normandie.

Bien que la libéralisation du réseau ferroviaire soit devenue une loi par le biais d’une directive de l’Union européenne, de nombreux Etats membres de l’UE ont traîné les pieds pour la mettre en oeuvre.

Les opérateurs ferroviaires privés ne parviennent pas à s’intégrer correctement dans le réseau ferroviaire et à concurrencer la SNCF. Sur la ligne Paris-Lyon, l’opérateur public italien Trenitalia a montré qu’il était possible de réduire le coût du réseau TGV et d’améliorer l’efficacité de la ligne.

En général, les réseaux SNCF vont augmenter les prix des TGV de 7,6% en 2024, ceux des TER de 8%. Les trains OUIGO et les Intercités auront un gel des prix, qui ont déjà bien augmenté en 2023. Cependent, Trenitalia a annoncé une baisse des prix à venir. Un rapport de l’Autorité de régulation des transports en 2022 a montré que les régions françaises qui ont adopté la concurrence ont vu leurs services, en termes de fréquence et de qualité, s’améliorer considérablement, avec des coûts réduits de 25% en moyenne. Comment se fait-il que la SNCF augmente ses prix tandis que sa concurrence, qui doit elle aussi payer ses trains, son personnel et son énergie, réduit les siens ?

La réponse se trouve dans les choix des consommateurs.

Il est vrai que sur les grandes lignes comme Paris-Lyon, les consommateurs ont un ensemble de choix, et pas seulement au sein du rail. Il s’agit d’une distance que l’on peut parcourir avec sa propre voiture, une voiture de location ou même en covoiturage ; on peut utiliser un service de bus longue distance ou même prendre l’avion (malgré l’interdiction des vols directs, il serait possible de voler de Lyon à Paris avec une correspondance à l’étranger). Cela dit, des millions de Français n’ont pas le luxe de ces options et dépendent trop souvent des services de la SNCF pour aller d’un point A à un point B, soit parce que c’est le seul service qui les relie, soit simplement parce que c’est de loin le seul efficace.

Tant qu’il en sera ainsi, les usagers seront dépendants de la SNCF. Les prix de l’entreprise ferroviaire publique n’augmentent pas parce que la SNCF ne se soucie pas de rivaliser avec Trenitalia sur la ligne Paris-Lyon, mais parce qu’elle ne DOIT pas s’en soucier dans de nombreuses autres régions.

L’Italie est l’exemple même d’un pays qui connaît les avantages de la concurrence ferroviaire. Lorsque Rome a ouvert son réseau ferroviaire à grande vitesse aux concurrents privés, Trenitalia, l’entreprise publique, a dû redoubler d’efforts, améliorer ses prix et ses services. Cela a pris du temps, mais les liaisons ferroviaires dépassent aujourd’hui de loin les liaisons aériennes sur de nombreux itinéraires. En fait, on pourrait dire que les difficultés de l’ancienne compagnie Alitalia, aujourd’hui ITA Airways (qui est en cours de rachat par Lufthansa), sont dues au fait que de nombreux vols intérieurs en Italie ont été rendus inutiles par la concurrence ferroviaire.

Dans de nombreux Etats membres, les marchés publics pour l’exploitation des chemins de fer sont attribués aux entreprises publiques en place, qui garantissent ensuite l’exploitation des lignes pour ces entreprises pendant parfois dix années supplémentaires. Cela signifie que les opérateurs ferroviaires privés, ou les concurrents étrangers, qu’ils soient privés ou publics, ne peuvent pas mettre un pied dans la porte.

En outre, certains pays entretiennent des relations complexes entre les compagnies ferroviaires, les infrastructures ferroviaires et les gares qui, dans certains cas, appartiennent à une société du même nom, mais sont censées fonctionner de manière indépendante. ALLRAIL, l’association professionnelle représentant les opérateurs ferroviaires privés, s’est plainte du fait que le gouvernement allemand ne subventionne pas l’infrastructure ferroviaire, mais la Deutsche Bahn (DB). Cependant, cela conduit à une situation où la DB peut utiliser ces subventions pour ses filiales, y compris le transport ferroviaire de marchandises sur des continents autres que l’Europe, au lieu de se contenter d’améliorer le réseau ferroviaire.

La Commission européenne a obligé les Etats membres à ouvrir leurs chemins de fer à la concurrence, mais comme pour de nombreuses directives, le diable se cache dans les détails. Les défis sont nombreux sur la route qui mène à un marché ferroviaire compétitif pour les citoyens européens. La concurrence en libre accès sera probablement contrariée par le lobbying des compagnies ferroviaires en place.

Originally published here

John Oliver’s backward solutions for freight rail fail the American people

Dressed up as comedy, John Oliver dedicated an entire segment of his “Last Week Tonight HBO program to focus on the ills of America’s freight rail industry. 

A self-professed train aficionado, Oliver had choice words for our commercial railroads on the matter of dangerous cargo loads, labor concerns, and an overall lackluster attention to safety. However, he doesn’t compare the industry to the troublesome safety records of the trucking or pipeline industries, which also face similar issues in transporting hazardous goods. In the end, Oliver’s analysis points predictably toward government regulation as a would-be savior of the rail industry. 

As is usually the case in a John Oliver monologue on rather niche public policy, there is one blaring fact that Oliver neglects to mention: Unlike other industries, private train companies are required by law to carry anything and everything that customers may bring their way. It’s a policy known as the common carrier obligation. 

The common carrier obligation, a cornerstone of the freight rail industry, is often hailed as a mechanism to ensure fairness and accessibility to American railways. However, a closer look reveals that this regulatory mandate, intended to benefit the public, may inadvertently impose significant costs on consumers. The seemingly noble commitment to nondiscrimination and universal service is, in reality, a double-edged sword that hinders efficiency and drives up prices for the very consumers it aims to protect. 

In telecommunications, it is similar to the Title II classification we know as net neutrality, which would force Internet Service Providers to treat all internet traffic as equal while boosting the bureaucracy around its enforcement. This principle is rooted in the idea of promoting fair competition and preventing monopolistic practices. However, the unintended consequence of this method of regulation translates into a heavier financial burden on consumers. 

To maintain a level playing field and ensure fair treatment for all shippers, regulatory bodies often scrutinize rate-setting practices. This scrutiny stifles the ability of railroads to adjust rates in response to market conditions and operational costs. As a result, rail companies find themselves hamstrung by regulations, unable to adopt competitive pricing strategies that would ultimately benefit consumers by prioritizing efficiency and timeliness. 

Mandatory nondiscriminatory services mean that rail companies must accommodate a wide array of shipping demands, leading to potential congestion and logistical challenges — the same ones Oliver lamented in his segment. The government is already highly involved in rail policy. That’s the problem.  

The Reliable Rail Service Act (S. 2071), penned by Sens. Tammy Baldwin (D-Wis.) and Roger Marshall (R-Kan.), is just another example of a well-intentioned policy that risks stifling the very dynamism within the industry that it seeks to create. The fact of the matter is, it’s been over a hundred years and U.S. lawmakers have yet to try a regulatory scheme that reduces mandates and micromanagement of rail. It’s way past time to reassess the common carrier obligation imposed on rail companies.  

Simplifying or outright eliminating this requirement would empower rail companies to operate with greater flexibility and pursue the kind of safer practices that John Oliver no doubt wishes to see adopted. It’s harder to prioritize safe loads when the law requires rail companies to carry everything thrown at them.  

Baldwin and Marshall’s Senate colleagues should reject the Reliable Rail Service Act. Less central planning would go a long way toward improving the industry.  

Another pivotal piece of the puzzle is the regulatory structure for the Surface Transportation Board. The STB Reauthorization Act should be revisited to clarify the board’s role, emphasizing its position as a remedial agency tasked with dispute resolution and the promotion of a competitive environment. This revision would curtail the STB’s tendency to formulate its own policies and create a regulatory status quo that is more harmonious between government oversight and private sector innovation. 

A new year approaches, and with it a fresh opportunity for a paradigm shift within the U.S. freight rail industry. John Oliver was right to point out all the shortcomings of rail, but we have yet to try a 21st-century approach to regulation that sets the industry free to innovate. On our current trajectory, freight rail will continue to look and function like a relic of the past.  

Consumers have deserved better for a long time.  

Originally published here

RELEASE: The Consumer Case for Reimagining and Innovating Railroad Policy

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE | November 9, 2023

The Consumer Case for Reimagining and Innovating Railroad Policy

WASHINGTON, D.C. – Today, the global consumer advocacy group Consumer Choice Center launched a policy primer on how best to reimagine and innovate public policy for freight rail in the United States.

The primer includes several key policy suggestions for legislators to help improve rail policy so that consumers can depend on affordable transportation for products they enjoy:

  • Oppose the Reliable Rail Service Act (S2071)
  • Congress should limit the common carrier obligation or eliminate it all together
  • Congress should amend the Surface Transportation Board Reauthorization Act to ensure the agency acts as a remedial agency and does not create its own policy

Yaël Ossowski, deputy director of the Consumer Choice Center, explains:

“As we’ve seen with US tech companies and the Federal Trade Commission or Internet service providers and the Federal Communications Commission, our federal regulatory agencies are taking a much more active role in enforcing various policy desires – in a way that is proving detrimental to consumers.

“The same is happening in the area of freight rail policy, where the Surface Transportation Board is abusing its authority by unjustly expanding its enforcement of common carrier obligations in a way that ends up raising prices for transportation of goods that consumers rely on,” said Ossowski.

“Decades after piecemeal freight rail reform, the STB has been wielding much more control over the economic decisions of rail carriers and their customers, using jawboning, rhetorical threats, and exploratory rule-making to make their presence known.

“This threatens both innovation and innovation in rail transportation, which remains a key “middle mover” of goods that end up on our doorsteps and in our businesses.

“We propose a series of smart policy reforms to reimagine rail policy, highlighting the need for entrepreneurship and investment to lead us to better solutions, not top-down policy that is leading to higher transportation costs that end up reflecting in the goods we buy.

“These reforms aim to increase competition, generate investment, and ensure that lower costs can be passed down to consumers who rely on rail transportation for their products we use in our homes and businesses,” concluded Ossowski.

READ THE PRIMER HERE

Contact

Yaël Ossowski, Deputy Director

yael@consumerchoicecenter.org 


The CCC represents consumers in over 100 countries across the globe. We closely monitor regulatory trends in Ottawa, Washington, Brussels, Geneva, Lima, Brasilia, and other hotspots of regulation and inform and activate consumers to fight for #ConsumerChoice. Learn more at consumerchoicecenter.org.

Navigating the European Summer Travel Madness: Trains, Planes, or Automobiles?

This summer, travel in Europe is fraught with uncertainty as a combination of factors presents challenges for vacationers. High fuel prices for cars, unreliable train services, and the disruptions caused by both environmentalists and strikes in the airline industry make it difficult to determine the best means of transportation. Families planning vacations are left in a quandary, unsure of how to proceed. The escalating fuel costs make road trips less appealing, while the unreliability of trains and the potential for flight cancellations add further complexity to decision-making. As a result, many cherished family vacation plans hang in the balance, requiring careful consideration and adaptability.

Unreliable Railways, Airlines, and Airports:

Travelers in Germany and Europe have increasingly found it difficult to rely on not only the Deutsche Bahn railway system but also the airlines and airports due to strikes. Delays and strikes have become all too common, disrupting schedules and causing frustration for both commuters and tourists. These disruptions have a significant impact on the economy, hindering productivity and diminishing the overall travel experience.

While short-distance flights have traditionally served as an alternative, the challenges faced by airlines and airports due to strikes further exacerbate the transportation issues. Strikes by airline staff and airport personnel disrupt flights, leading to cancellations and delays, leaving passengers stranded and frustrated. This adds to the unreliability of transportation options and limits the alternatives available to travelers.

Climate Activism and the Need for Pragmatic Solutions:

Climate activists have raised awareness about the environmental impact of travel, including both air and road transportation. Strict reactions from law enforcement and better protection of airport infrastructure are needed. Blocking airports and advocating for blanket bans on short-haul flights without offering reliable alternatives only worsen the existing transportation issues.

Seeking a Balanced Approach:

To overcome the current transportation predicament, a balanced and pragmatic approach is necessary. Increased consumer choice and competition can invigorate the industry, driving innovation and reliability. The following measures should be considered:

1. Privatizing Deutsche Bahn: Introducing private ownership and management of Deutsche Bahn would enhance efficiency, accountability, and customer satisfaction. Privatization has proven successful in various industries, encouraging competition and fostering innovation. Moreover, addressing the issues that lead to strikes in the railway sector should be a priority to ensure smooth operations. Splitting the ownership of rail and train services in Germany is imperative to foster competition, enhance efficiency, and improve customer satisfaction. By separating infrastructure management from train operation, multiple companies can enter the market, encouraging innovation and service quality. This would introduce greater consumer choice and lower prices, ultimately benefiting passengers. Furthermore, it would promote accountability and investment in infrastructure, as separate entities would focus on their respective areas of expertise. Splitting ownership would enable a more agile and responsive rail system, capable of adapting to evolving customer needs and technological advancements. Embracing this change is vital to modernize Germany’s railway network and ensure its long-term viability.

2. Relaxed Foreign Ownership Rules for Airlines: Easing restrictions on foreign ownership in the airline industry would stimulate competition and attract new players. This could lead to improved service quality, better pricing, and increased connectivity for travelers. Additionally, measures should be implemented to mitigate the impact of strikes on airlines, ensuring that passengers are not unduly affected.

3. Cutting Taxes on Gasoline and Car-Ownership: While promoting sustainable transportation options is crucial, it is equally important to acknowledge the role of personal vehicles in certain situations. By reducing taxes on gasoline and car-ownership, individuals are given the freedom to choose the most suitable means of transportation for their needs. However, efforts should be made to minimize the environmental impact of personal vehicles through incentives for electric or hybrid vehicles.

The ongoing delays and strikes in the Deutsche Bahn railway system, coupled with limited alternatives due to proposed flight bans, understaffed airports, and climate activism, have left travelers in Germany and Europe grappling with unreliable transportation options. Addressing these challenges requires a multifaceted approach that encourages consumer choice, fosters competition, and acknowledges the role of personal vehicles in certain contexts. Privatizing Deutsche Bahn, relaxing foreign ownership rules for airlines, reducing taxes on gasoline and car ownership, and finding effective ways to address strikes in the transportation sector are crucial steps towards creating a reliable and diverse transportation system. Only by embracing these changes can Germany and Europe navigate their way out of the current transportation predicament and build a more resilient future.

Das sind die zehn besten Bahnhöfe in Europa

Eine Verbraucherschutz-Organisation hat die 50 größten Bahnhöfe in Europa untersucht: Wo lässt es sich gut warten, stimmt die Infrastruktur und gibt es kostenlosen Internetzugang? Gleich fünf deutsche Städte schaffen es unter die ersten zehn Plätze.

Bahnhöfe sind Durchgangsstationen, an denen man nie lange bleiben möchte. Doch oft zwingen einen Verspätungen oder Zugausfälle zu langen Wartezeiten. Dann zeigt sich, wie gut das Umfeld wirklich ist: Gibt es genügend Restaurants, Läden und Lounges?

Die Verbraucherschutz-Organisation Consumer Choice Center mit Sitz in Washington D.C. hat jetzt ihren jährlichen European Railway Station Index für 2022 vorgelegt. Darin werden zum dritten Mal die 51 großen Bahnhöfe Europas mit deren Infrastruktur genauer untersucht.

Für die Bewertung spielen Kriterien wie deren Fahrgastzahlen, die Zahl der nationalen und internationalen Verbindungen, die Ausschilderung und Lounges sowie die Anzahl der Fahrstühle eine Rolle. Auch der barrierefreie Zugang für Rollstuhlfahrer, die Anbindung an den öffentlichen Personennahverkehr, die Zahl der Restaurants, Läden für die Versorgung und Rideshare-Möglichkeiten und Internetzugang werden berücksichtigt und fließen in den Index ein.

Read the full text here

President Biden Must Waive the Jones Act Immediately to Help Hurricane Victims

In the aftermath of the devastating Hurricane Fiona in Puerto Rico, a ship containing 300,000 barrels of desperately-needed diesel fuel is waiting offshore until it can secure an exemption to the 1920 Jones Act, mandating only US ships can ship goods between US ports, among other protectionist restrictions.

Puerto Rico Governor Pedro Pierlusi has called on the federal government to grant the waiver immediately.

The Consumer Choice Center calls the Biden Administration’s indecision a “crippling example of the harms of restricting trade and commerce for nationalistic and political gain, and why the Jones Act must be immediately waived and then repealed.”

“President Biden’s Administration can immediately waive the Jones Act to speed rescue and recovery operations in Puerto Rico and along America’s coasts. The fact that desperate people, in the wake of hurricanes and natural disasters, must continuously ask the federal government to temporarily waive this law demonstrates it is no longer fit for purpose and should be repealed altogether,” said Yaël Ossowski, deputy director of the Consumer Choice Center, a global consumer advocacy group.

“For too long, the Jones Act has acted as a protectionist racket, benefiting shipbuilding union leaders at the expense of American consumers and entrepreneurs. The OECD estimates that a repeal of the Jones Act would benefit the American economy by up to $64 billion, lowering prices for consumers and offering new opportunities for investment and innovation.

“The fact that we are in a time of economic uncertainty, high gas prices, and rising inflation, and the Biden Administration and its agencies are more focused on protecting their labor union constituents, rather than citizens in need, is a crippling example of the harms of restricting trade and commerce for nationalistic and political gain, and why the Jones Act must be immediately waived and then repealed,” said Ossowski.

“The Consumer Choice Center supports the efforts of Sen. Mike Lee (R-UT) and Rep. Tom McClintock (R-CA) to do just that with the Open America’s Water Act. Congress can do its part to support these bills and give people relief today and going forward. “Consumers and citizens deserve better,” added Ossowski.

On our syndicated radio program Consumer Choice Radio, we interviewed Colin Grabow, a policy analyst at the Cato Institute’s Herbert A. Stiefel Center for Trade Policy Studies, on how the Jones Act is making people poorer. WATCH HERE.

PRIX DE L’ESSENCE : D’OÙ VIENT LA HAUSSE ?

En 2018, le mouvement des Gilets jaunes avait mis en lumière la taxe TICPE sur l’essence, mais, en ce début d’année 2022, le prix à la pompe est encore plus élevé qu’alors. Le prix du baril de brut sur les marchés mondiaux joue un peu, mais les causes sont plutôt à chercher au niveau national…

L’équipe de La Chronique Agora m’a récemment relayé une question d’un abonné sur le prix de l’essence : pourquoi cette dernière est-elle plus coûteuse aujourd’hui comparé à 2008 alors que, cette année-là, le prix du baril était plus élevé ? Voilà une excellente question.

En effet, en 2008 le prix du baril (ajusté à l’inflation) avait même atteint un sommet à 180 $, alors qu’aujourd’hui il en vaut seulement la moitié. En avril 2020, le baril avait même atteint son niveau le plus bas à 20 $. C’est d’ailleurs pour cette raison que la hausse de l’essence nous semble d’autant plus frappante.

Qu’est-ce qui entraîne ce phénomène ? Instinctivement les consommateurs ont tendance à pointer du doigt les marges des producteurs de pétrole. Mais, en réalité, elles ont plutôt été en diminution en raison de la pandémie. J’ajouterais également qu’il faut faire la distinction entre « marge » et « profit ».  En effet, n’oublions pas que les pétroliers doivent déduire leurs frais courants, qui augmentent avec l’inflation générale que nous connaissons en ce moment.

Tournons-nous donc plutôt du côté des taxes.

TICPE : la taxe kafkaïenne à la française

En France, l’État applique à l’essence la taxe intérieure de consommation sur les produits énergétiques (TICPE), qui est une accise [NDLR : taxe appliquée à certains biens de consommation, dont le pétrole, et liée à la quantité de produits échangés plutôt qu’à leur valeur]. Or, depuis 2013, la TICPE a augmenté de presque 10%. En effet, depuis 2014, cette taxe intègre une composante carbone (CC) qui est calculée par un coefficient du prix sur la tonne de CO2produite. Cet ajout est une demande qui était faite depuis longtemps par Europe Écologie-Les Verts, et cette taxe sur la taxe a été augmentée plusieurs fois depuis son introduction.

Cette taxe écologique n’est par contre pas appliquée sur le transport routier, qui bénéficie de l’exonérations des composantes carbones de la TICPE.

Pire encore, la France soumet le prix de l’essence à la TVA de 20%, appliquée une première fois avant TICPE, puis une deuxième fois sur le prix de vente, donc TICPE incluse !

Cela veut dire que la France vous taxe sur des produits qui ont déjà été taxés, ridiculisant ici le concept même de la « valeur ajoutée ». Ainsi, toute augmentation de la TICPE a un effet démultiplicateur.

Ce système est né d’un calcul politique. Au début des années 2000, la France se plaignait du fait que les milliards d’euros potentiels pour l’État étaient perdus sur les frontières avec d’autres pays, dont le Grand-Duché de Luxembourg (mon pays d’origine). Pour rectifier ces « injustices », la France a défendu un montant de taxe minimal, finalement devenu réalité avec la directive 2003/96/CE sur la taxation de l’énergie, qui fixe aujourd’hui le minimum à 36 centimes.

Problème résolu, alors ? Pas du tout, parce que le minimum légal des taxes sur les carburants n’aura pas été suivi très longtemps. Pas parce que le Luxembourg a enfreint les règles et vendu de l’essence moins chère que ce qui serait autorisé par les règles de l’UE, mais parce que la France a largement augmenté ses taxes, comme indiqué ci-dessus.

Quel pays taxe le plus l’essence ?

Pour que vous ayez un ordre de grandeur en tête : selon un rapport publié en juin 2021 par FuelsEurope, association qui regroupe les principaux groupes pétroliers européens, sans les taxes, le prix de l’essence serait de 57 centimes, celui du diesel de 54 centimes. Dans certains pays de l’UE, le prix serait même de 50 centimes pour le diesel.

Comme l’a montré une organisation pour laquelle je travaille, le Consumer Choice Center, la France est le troisième pays dont les taxes sur les carburants les plus élevées d’Europe, avec 64 centimes par litre. Elle n’est dépassée que par les Pays-Bas avec 67 centimes et l’Italie à 68 centimes.

Selon le rapport de FuelsEurope, le palmarès des taxes les plus importantes est un peu différent, avec l’Italie et la Belgique devant la France pour le diesel (à quelques centimes près). Concernant l’essence, le record est là aussi tenu par les Pays-Bas (à 1,11 € de taxes en tout !), devant l’Italie, puis la Finlande, et le Danemark à égalité avec la France (à 94 centimes de taxes diverses et variées).

Cela dit, en 2018, l’augmentation de la TICPE en France a bien été gelée en réponse au mouvement des Gilets jaunes.

Un avenir moins taxé est-il envisageable ?

Pourrait-on envisager d’aller encore plus loin, et de réduire la TICPE pour contrer l’inflation et une possible augmentation du baril ? Absolument.

La France a déjà appliqué une approche similaire en baissant à son minimum la taxe intérieure sur la consommation finale d’électricité (TICFE) en janvier 2022, pour contrer l’évolution des prix d’électricité.

Cependant, il est difficile d’imaginer que le gouvernement de Macron choisira de faire de même avec la TICPE, puisque la projection d’augmentation faisait partie des mesures pour lutter contre le changement climatique. Emmanuel Macron ne prendra pas le risque de voire réduire la crédibilité internationale de l’accord de Paris sur le climat en réduisant le prix de l’essence, même si les consommateurs en souffrent.

Barbara Pompili, ministre de l’Écologie, demande désormais aux distributeurs « de faire un geste » et de réduire leurs marges, même s’il ne s’agit que d’un ou deux centimes par litre, ce qui représente donc moins de 3% du prix, comparé aux taxes et accises de l’État. En même temps, le gouvernement prépare l’introduction et la distribution d’un chèque carburant pour les travailleurs les plus pauvres.

Compte tenu des ressources dont l’État français a besoin pour investir dans les énergies renouvelables, je pense que le gouvernement, lorsque les temps seront plus propices sur le plan politique, augmentera certainement les taxes sur les carburants.

Maintenant, cela peut signifier une augmentation de la TICPE, mais vu la notoriété que les Gilets jaunes ont donné à cette taxe, je crois qu’il est plus probable que Matignon inventera une nouvelle taxe encore plus alambiquée qui taxera la taxe qui taxe la taxe. Ça donne envie…

Originally published here

What’s holding back the Electric Vehicle Revolution?

Those flying cars we’ve seen for years in sci-fi films and cartoons? Yeah — still waiting. But we DO have cars that run on electricity, and they’re a big improvement over gasoline for many car buyers and for the environment. Why, then, is it so difficult and expensive to get one? This video seeks to answer that question, but we’ll give you a hint: state and federal government power are being leveraged in a big way.

Electric or motor vehicle? Let consumers decide

Emissions from the transportation sector account for 25% of all EU emissions. In an effort to reduce net greenhouse gas emissions by at least 55%, the European commission announced its plan to ban the sales of new cars that produce carbon emissions by 2035. Enabling this sales ban would require approval from all member states, and it could take up to 2 years to obtain it. The EU has set an ambitious goal of becoming the first climate-neutral continent by 2050, and achieving this goal requires equally ambitious changes to be made.

Massive adoption of electric cars is thought to be a good strategy to fight climate change. Green groups, like Greenpeace, are advocating for financial incentives for EVs while disincentivizing the sale of diesel and petrol cars. But there are many aspects that have to be taken into consideration before EVs are dubbed as environmentally friendly. 

EVs have a lot of advantages: they are low maintenance, don’t run on fuel, therefore produce no emissions, fully charging them is a lot cheaper than filling up a tank of a motor vehicle. But they come with downsides too.  EVs require electricity to be charged and if the electricity itself does not come from clean sources such as hydro, solar or nuclear power and is instead produced by burning fossil fuels, would they make any difference? Adopting electric vehicles only makes sense if countries rely on low-carbon energy supply sources and have the ability to store renewable energy. As of today, it is a big challenge for many European countries, not to mention developing countries.

Another problem with electric vehicles is the lack of infrastructure. Currently, most EU countries lack charging stations, and it would require 1.8 billion investment to deploy the target number of charging points. Recently, auditors have also dubbed the deployment of electric vehicle charging stations as too slow

However, while it is important to discuss how exactly our transition to EVs is going to work, there is a greater issue at play. Banning the sales of motor vehicles reinforces the dangerous precedent of the government picking winners and losers. Drivers of the internal combustion engine cars are already some of the most heavily taxed consumers. They face various taxes and charges that account for most of their mobility costs. Price of petrol and diesel is excessively high and the average government share of fuel price across the EU varies between 44-59%. (Read our recent paper to find out more on this topic)

Arguments can be made for and against both electric and internal combustion engine vehicles. The main issue is that rather than leaving it up to consumers to choose their desired technology, the government is making the final call for us. Automobile companies are already working towards making internal combustion engines more fuel efficient and according to EEA “carbon intensity of newly-registered gasoline-powered cars in Europe fell an average of 25% between 2006 and 2016”.  


Transition to EVs should happen naturally and not forced upon us by government bodies. Many companies are voluntarily shifting their manufacturing process towards the EVs and European consumers are quite open to the idea of purchasing electric cars. And all of this is happening without government mandates! The European Union should adhere to technology neutrality to preserve consumer choice and foster innovation.

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