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Consultations

Official CCC Reponses and Consultations.

CCC response to the DMCC Act

Public response on the guidance regarding the new digital market competition functions delegated to the Competition and Markets Authority (CMA) from the Digital Markets, Competition and Consumers Act 2024 (DMCCA)

Comments on Türkiye’s amendments to Law No. 4054 on the Protection of Competition

On June 11, the Consumer Choice Center submitted comments to Rekabet Kurumu, the competition regulator in Türkiye, on the subject of various amendments to country’s laws on mergers, acquisitions, and general regulation in digital services.

The English version is followed by the Turkish version below.


The Consumer Choice Center is an independent, non-partisan consumer advocacy group championing the benefits of freedom of choice, innovation, and abundance in everyday life.

As an organization representing consumers in Türkiye and around the world, we wanted to add some additional perspective and comments on the proposed amendments to Law No. 4054 on the Protection of Competition.

We believe many of these changes will adversely affect consumers and users who enjoy digital services and products in Türkiye, and generate more regulatory pressure and bureaucratic action that will lead to degradation of services that consumers enjoy, or even the risk that many of these services will leave altogether.

On gatekeeper designation

The amendments made to Madde 1, adding that the competition law should now heed the “protection of the fair and contestable market structure in the core platform services,” go beyond the remit of a competition regulator.

Granting such authority to the board of Rekabet Kurumu in determining market structure, deemed fair or unfair, necessarily removes the natural competitive element of markets in goods and services, setting the grounds for a chilling of innovation, a halting of the introduction of competitive services from abroad, or setting a legal framework for punitive actions for any company that gains a natural advantage from selling superior products or services.

In other markets such as the European Union, designation as a gatekeeper is a technical formula determined by the number of users as compared to the total population. For Rekabet Kurumu, as stated in the amendments to Madde 5, it is the agency itself that “decides whether undertakings providing core platform services is a gatekeeper’.

It is important to make sure the threshold is set wisely, impacting all service providers, be it service, app or a company to ensure fair competition, regulatory predictability and ensure consumer protection for all.

In addition, the amendments to Madde 3 would grant the regulator authority to designate a gatekeeper if there is an assumed ability “to reach the power to maintain this impact in an established and permanent manner”. 

This particular amendment neglects to understand the dynamic nature of most digital markets, which are constantly in flux and subject to intense competition from both domestic and international companies. There is no “permanent manner” by which any digital firm would have a foothold in Türkiye or any other country unless they are aided by regulations that shield them from competition.

Paradoxically, by remitting the gatekeeper designation to a board vote alone, without technical parameters, this would serve as a regulatory barrier that could have the impact of harming future competition, thereby granting a market advantage to any company that would have the resources to comply with the regulators’ rules. This would be Big Tech ahead of Small Tech, whether it is Turkish or not.

On self-prefencing

The guidelines enforced on firms deemed gatekeepers explicitly disallow self-prefencing of various apps, services, or goods on their platforms. While we understand the justification for this rule, consumers do not believe that we should prohibit applications and services from being offered just because they happen to be offered from the same technological provider.

Often, the integration of various apps and services generate convenience that consumers prefer. As an example, if a user searches for a location on a search engine and then receives a result for an address on a map, being forced to exclude that map application’s results because they happen to be offered by the same company would prove burdensome to a user. 

The integration of these services are trusted and convenient for those who use them. Even if they prefer other services, whether that be for search engines or map applications, they already have it within their power to use the products they wish. Placing restraint on the technology companies’ offerings would only lead to a degraded experience, which is not meaningfully doing anything to increase competition.

When applied to e-retailers, we know for a fact that the integration of various services leads to more cost savings, quicker delivery times, and more availability of products that consumers rely on. A blanket ban on self-preferencing would run counter to the goal of offering consumers more choice and more affordable options.

If self-prefencing by firms has the result of becoming prohibitive or more costly for consumers, we believe there would be reasonable grounds for enforcement action. However, these actions should be targeted, address consumer welfare, and provide reasonable remedies. 

On the prohibitions on mergers and acquisitions

In Madde 6, there is an outlined penalty that any company or firm that violates the gatekeeper rules at least two times, which are subjective enough, “the Board may prohibit mergers or acquisitions by these undertakings in digital markets for up to three years, in order to eliminate the damages arising from repeated violations or to prevent serious or irreparable damages that may arise.”

On interoperability

Madde 4(e) discusses the obligation to allow end users to switch between different services, software, applications or app stores. This obligation, although important for ensuring consumer choice, cannot be implemented without specific technical standards which are crucial for ensuring interoperability. 

It is technical standards, not the regulatory obligations which ensure easy switching between services for the consumer, be it a business or an individual. This is a complicated process, which the European Union, for example, has yet to be able to implement, as the standardization requires complex procedures, transition periods and cannot physically be ensured by local competition authorities.

Generally, interoperability is an important standard for consumers who would like to export data and be able to easily import into additional services. We believe innovation around these efforts will lead to better standards over time, rather than infringing on tech neutrality by strictly requiring one specific process, standard, or data format by regulation. 

Conclusion

With an ever-expanding global digital market, clear and reasonable competition standards are vital for consumers, entrepreneurs, and citizens alike.

For the benefit of consumer welfare, citizens should be able to depend on competition regulators to ensure there are no deceptive or illegal practices depriving them of competition and the benefits of technological innovation.

As we’ve learned from other regulatory markets, the key factors that lead to better outcomes and dividends for users are highly competitive, dynamic, and robust markets that must change and adapt to meet consumer needs. 

At present, the Rekabet Kurumu’s suggested amendments to Law No. 4054 on the Protection of Competition would impose severe regulatory burdens and punitive actions on any firm hoping to reach Turkish consumers at scale.

These amendments allow for broad interpretation of rules which can lead to a diminishing business environment in Türkiye, affecting consumers and users who depend on new innovative services.

Rather than placing immediate restrictions on digital service providers, Türkiye should embrace disruptive competition in the technological sector, inviting innovators to try to offer the best goods and services to consumers and users who want them.

Arbitrary classification as gatekeepers, including burdensome compliance and increased surveillance and monitoring, coupled with a chilling effect on halt mergers and acquisitions, would be detrimental to Turkish consumers who should otherwise benefit from the fruits of new innovation.

Sincerely Yours,

 Yaël Ossowski                                  Eglė Markevičiūtė                                      Nazlıcan Kanmaz

     Deputy Director               Head of Digital & Innovation Policy         Digital Storytelling & Content Editor


Rekabetin Korunması Hakkında 4054 sayılı Kanun’da yapılan değişikliklere ilişkin tüketici görüşleri

Consumer Choice Center, gündelik yaşamda seçim özgürlüğü, yenilik ve refahın faydalarını savunan bağımsız bir tüketici hakları savunuculuğu grubudur.

Biz, Türkiye’de ve Dünya’da tüketicileri temsil eden bir kuruluş olarak 4054 sayılı Rekabetin Korunması Hakkında Kanun’da yapılması önerilen değişikliklere ilişkin bazı ek perspektif ve yorumlarımızı bilgilerinize arz ederiz.

Bu değişikliklerin birçoğunun Türkiye’deki dijital hizmet ve ürünlerden faydalanan tüketicileri ve kullanıcıları olumsuz etkileyeceğine inanıyoruz. Hatta tüketicilerin faydalandığı hizmetlerin zayıflamasına ve bu hizmetlerin birçoğunun tamamen ortadan kalkmasına yol açacak daha fazla düzenleyici baskı ve bürokratik eylem yaratacağına ihtimal veriyoruz.

Geçit Bekçisi Ataması Hakkında

Madde 1’de yapılan ve rekabet hukukunun artık “temel platform hizmetlerinde adil ve rekabete açık piyasa yapısının korunmasını” dikkate alması gerektiğini belirten değişiklikler, bir rekabet düzenleyicisinin görev alanının ötesine geçmektedir.

Rekabet Kurumu Yönetim Kurulu’na piyasa yapısını belirleme yetkisi verilmesi, mal ve hizmet piyasalarının doğal rekabet unsurunu ortadan kaldırarak inovasyonun engellenmesine, yurtdışından rekabetçi hizmetlerin girişinin durdurulmasına ya da kaliteli ürün veya hizmet satarak üstünlük elde eden şirketlerin cezalandırılmasına zemin hazırlayacaktır.

Avrupa Birliği gibi diğer pazarlarda, geçit bekçisi belirlenmesi, toplam nüfusa kıyasla kullanıcı sayısına göre belirlenen teknik bir formüldür. Madde 5’te yapılan değişikliklerde belirtildiği üzere, “temel platform hizmetleri sunan teşebbüslerin geçit bekçisi olup olmadığına karar veren” kurumun kendisidir.

Adil rekabet, mevzuatın öngörülebilirliği ve tüketicinin korunmasını sağlamak için tüm hizmet sağlayıcıları etkileyen bu eşiğin makul bir şekilde belirlenmesini sağlamak önemlidir.

Buna ek olarak, Madde 3’te yapılan değişiklikler, düzenleyiciye “bu etkiyi yerleşik ve kalıcı bir şekilde sürdürme gücüne ulaşacağı” varsayılan bir yetenek varsa bir geçit bekçi belirleme yetkisi verecektir. 

Bu özel değişiklik, sürekli değişim halinde olan ve hem yerel hem de uluslararası şirketlerin yoğun rekabetine maruz kalan çoğu dijital pazarın dinamik yapısını anlamayı ihmal etmektedir. Herhangi bir dijital firmanın, kendilerini “rekabetten koruyan” düzenlemelerle desteklenmediği sürece, Türkiye’de ya da başka bir ülkede yer edinmesini sağlayacak kalıcı bir yöntem bulunmamaktadır.

Paradoksal olarak, geçit bekçiliğinin teknik parametreler olmaksızın yalnızca yönetim kurulu oylamasına bırakılması, gelecekteki rekabete zarar verebilecek bir düzenleyici engel işlevi görecek ve böylece düzenleyicilerin kurallarına uyacak kaynaklara sahip olan herhangi bir şirkete pazar avantajı sağlayacaktır. Bu, Türk olsun ya da olmasın, Büyük Teknoloji’nin Küçük Teknoloji’nin önüne geçmesi anlamına gelecektir.

Kendini Önceleme Üzerine

Geçit bekçisi olarak kabul edilen firmalara uygulanan kurallar, platformlarında çeşitli uygulamaların, hizmetlerin veya ürünlerin kendi kendini ön plana çıkarmasına açıkça izin vermemektedir. Bu kuralın gerekçesini anlamakla birlikte, tüketiciler, sırf aynı teknoloji sağlayıcısı tarafından sunuluyor diye uygulama ve hizmetlerin sunulmasını yasaklamamız gerektiğine inanmamaktadır.

Çoğu zaman, çeşitli uygulama ve hizmetlerin entegrasyonu, tüketicilerin arzu ettiği kolaylıkları sağlamaktadır. Örnek olarak, yalnızca aynı şirket tarafından sunuldukları için bu harita uygulamasında bazı sonuçların hariç tutulduğu bir durum kullanıcı için külfetli olacaktır. 

Bu hizmetlerin entegrasyonu, bunları kullananlar için güvenilir ve kullanışlıdır. İster arama motorları ister harita uygulamaları için olsun, başka hizmetleri tercih etseler bile, istedikleri ürünleri kullanmak kullanıcıların ellerindedir. Teknoloji şirketlerinin sunduklarına kısıtlama getirmek, yalnızca daha zayıf bir kullanıcı deneyime yol açacaktır ki bu da rekabeti artırmak için anlamlı bir sonuç doğurmamaktadır.

E-perakendecilere uygulandığında, çeşitli hizmetlerin entegrasyonunun maliyet tasarrufu, daha hızlı teslimat süreleri ve tüketicilerin güvendiği ürünlerin daha erişilebilir olmasını sağladığını biliyoruz. Kendi hizmetine referans vermenin genel olarak yasaklanması, tüketicilere daha fazla seçenek ve daha uygun fiyatlı seçenekler sunma hedefine ters düşecektir.

Firmaların kendine referans vermesinin tüketiciler için engelleyici veya daha maliyetli hale gelmesi durumunda, yaptırım uygulanması için makul gerekçeler olduğuna inanıyoruz. Ancak, bu eylemler hedefe yönelik olmalı, tüketici refahını ele almalı ve makul çözümler sağlamalıdır. 

Birleşme ve Devralmalara Ilişkin Yasaklar Hakkında

Madde 6’da, geçit bekçisi kurallarını en az iki kez ihlal eden herhangi bir şirket veya firmanın “Kurul, tekrarlanan ihlallerden kaynaklanan zararların giderilmesi veya ortaya çıkabilecek ciddi veya telafisi güç zararların önlenmesi amacıyla, bu teşebbüslerin dijital pazarlarda birleşme veya devralmalarını üç yıla kadar yasaklayabilir” şeklinde özetlenen bir cezası bulunmaktadır. 

Birlikte Çalışabilirlik Üzerine

Madde 4(e), kullanıcıların farklı hizmetler, yazılımlar, uygulamalar veya uygulama mağazaları arasında geçiş yapmasına izin verme yükümlülüğünü ele almaktadır. Bu yükümlülük, tüketici tercihinin sağlanması açısından önemli olmakla birlikte, birlikte çalışabilirliğin sağlanması açısından hayati önem taşıyan belirli teknik standartlar olmaksızın uygulanamaz. 

Herhangi bir tüketici için hizmetler arasında kolay geçiş sağlayan husus, düzenleyici yükümlülükler değil teknik standartlardır. Bu, örneğin Avrupa Birliği’nin henüz uygulayamadığı karmaşık bir süreçtir, çünkü standardizasyon karmaşık prosedürler, geçiş dönemleri gerektirir ve yerel rekabet otoriteleri tarafından pratik olarak sağlanamaz.

Genel olarak, birlikte çalışabilirlik, verilerini dışa aktarabilmek ve ek hizmetlere kolayca ulaşabilmek isteyen tüketiciler için önemli bir standarttır. Düzenlemelerle belirli bir süreci, standardı veya veri formatını katı bir şekilde zorunlu tutarak teknoloji tarafsızlığını ihlal etmek yerine, bu çabalar etrafındaki inovasyonun zaman içinde daha iyi standartlara yol açacağına inanıyoruz. 

Sonuç

Sürekli genişleyen küresel dijital pazarda, açık ve makul rekabet standartları tüketiciler, girişimciler ve vatandaşlar için büyük önem taşımaktadır. Tüketici refahı için vatandaşlar, kendilerini rekabetten ve teknolojik yeniliklerin faydalarından mahrum bırakan aldatıcı veya yasadışı uygulamaların olmamasını sağlamak için rekabet düzenleyicilerine güvenebilmelidir.

Diğer düzenleyici piyasalardan öğrendiğimiz üzere, kullanıcılar için daha iyi sonuçlara ve kâr paylarına yol açan temel faktörler, tüketici ihtiyaçlarını karşılamak için değişmesi ve uyum sağlaması gereken son derece rekabetçi, dinamik ve sağlam piyasalardır. 

Mevcut durumda Rekabet Kurumu’nun 4054 sayılı Rekabetin Korunması Hakkında Kanun’da yapılmasını önerdiği değişiklikler, Türk tüketicilerine geniş ölçekte ulaşmak isteyen tüm firmalara ciddi düzenleyici yükler ve cezai yaptırımlar getirecektir.

Bu değişiklikler, kuralların geniş bir şekilde yorumlanmasına olanak tanıyarak Türkiye’de iş ortamının zayıflamasına yol açabilir ve yenilikçi hizmetlere gereksinim duyan tüketicileri ve kullanıcıları etkileyebilir. Türkiye, dijital hizmet sağlayıcılara acil kısıtlamalar getirmek yerine, teknoloji sektöründeki yenilikçi rekabeti kucaklamalı ve girişimcileri en iyi mal ve hizmetleri sunmaya teşvik etmelidir.

Consumer Choice Center olarak inanıyoruz ki geçit bekçileri sınıflandırılma uygulaması, birleşme ve devralmaların durdurulmasına yönelik caydırıcı bir etki ile birleştiğinde, yenilikçi teknolojilerin meyvelerinden faydalanması gereken Türk tüketiciler için zararlı olacaktır.

Saygılarımızla arz ederiz.

        Yaël Ossowski                                  Eglė Markevičiūtė                                      Nazlıcan Kanmaz

Genel Müdür Yardımcısı                 Dijital Politikalar Bölüm Başkanı                     Dijital İçerik Sorumlusu


The Consumer Manifesto

Here at the Consumer Choice Center (CCC), we want prospective MPs and Parliamentarians to listen to everyday consumers. During the election period, and subsequent formation of a new Parliament, we have produced a statement on the key issues we believe the next Parliament must consider if they wish to be aligned with the interests of consumers  — their constituents.

On the Economy:

  • Use technology and innovation to drive economic growth. It is only by nurturing a system in which consumers and businesses command choice that the UK economy can achieve competition and once again aspire for prosperity.
  • Encourage productivity rather than planning for stagnation. The Royal Statistics Society’s winner of the UK Statistic of the Decade for the late 2010s was 0.3%—indicating the annual productivity growth for the UK since the 2008 financial crisis. This bleak trend is set to continue this year with a measly 0.1%. To unlock higher wages, raise living standards and achieve more abundance for all, we must return to a growth mindset.  
  • To unshackle productivity, clarify the tax system by eliminating the levies that discourage investment. Adopt an attitude of permissionless innovation rather than the precautionary principle, and end the disastrous temptation for the government to pick economic winners and losers. 
  • Oppose any and all plans for a Central Bank Digital Currency (CBDC), which would infringe on financial privacy and grant too much economic regulatory control over citizens.

On Housing Policy:

  • Build more houses. The current housing supply situation is untenable. 
  • The government should not consider a rent cap due to their economic inefficiency. 
  • Relax permission restrictions and allow for more homes to be built in proximity to train and tube stations and other desirable locales.
  • Streamline  “green belt” zoning restrictions in order to remove undeveloped and barren brown land.

On Healthcare Systems

  • Study the experiences of other European healthcare systems to understand the meaningful difference between healthcare provision and healthcare coverage. Only then can the UK overcome the simplistic dichotomy between public and private which has stymied the National Health Service’s development.
  • Unleash medical innovation and technology, such as telemedicine, AI and new equipment to assist in bringing NHS waiting lists down by allowing for regulatory harmonisation with other countries and systems (see the quick integration of cystic fibrosis medication like Kaftrio as a model) and incentivizing political-entrepreneurial initiative (see the pandemic vaccination rollout model).

On Agricultural Policy: 

  • Rethink “rewilding” and other disincentives to farmers for producing the food we need.
  • Build on genetic technology such as the Precision Breeding Act, by reasonably allowing for future New Genomic Techniques (NGTs) in agriculture. 

On Technology:

  • Promote and protect intellectual property rights to encourage technological investment and development in the UK Innovators will go where their ideas aren’t so easily stolen.
  • “Tech neutrality” must be the guiding principle for energy policy.
  • The government should encourage nuclear energy by fast-tracking the completion of the Hinkley Point C reactor and other similar projects, supported by technological advancements in renewable and sustainable energy. We can do this while not increasing fuel duty or preventing future oil drilling licences. 

On Lifestyle:

  • Encourage nightlife by extending licences and allowing businesses to be open for as long as their interests enable them. We should return to the framework of the 2003 Licensing Act and move away from today’s status quo,  which has allowed almost no establishment to remain open 24/7. 
  • Per the CCC’s Nightlife Index,  73%  of London consumers said it was riskier to travel at night; 48% of respondents were women who had stopped travelling after a particular hour altogether due to safety concerns. Help consumers feel safe by extending night-time transportation to 24 hours. 
  • Slash beer tax to allow pubs to survive and thrive in the current economic climate. Let’s make success easier in the UK.
  • Stop arbitrary restrictions on the promotion of products declared high in fat, salt and sugar (HFSS).
  • Slash the Soft Drinks Industry Levy.
  • The CCC is opposed to the reintroduction of the Tobacco and Vapes Bill. The government should support tobacco harm reduction methods and support smokers in their effort to switch to less harmful products, rather than criminalising them altogether.

Public response to the consultation regarding draft statutory instrument to prohibit disposable vapes

Response to the Scottish Government consultation on the draft regulations to prohibit the sale and supply of single use vapes in Scotland.

Public response to the consultation regarding draft statutory instrument to prohibit disposable vapes

Public response to the UK Government consultation regarding draft statutory instrument to prohibit disposable vapes.

Public response to Financial Action Task Force’s proposed card exemption revisions

As an organization, we are alarmed by the Financial Action Task Force’s proposed card exemption revisions in the Explanatory Memorandum and draft revisions to Recommendation 16 released on February, 26 2024. If adopted, the revisions would create a situation in which increasing compliance requirements through more stringent FATF standards would violate the FATF’s commitment to a risk-based approach.

Read the response submitted by the Consumer Choice Center below.

[EU] Public consultation on The future of the electronic communications sector and its infrastructure

The European Commission launched the exploratory consultation on the vision for the
future of the connectivity sector and of the connectivity infrastructure.

You can read the response submitted by the Consumer Choice Center below.

[EU] Public Consultation on the Taxation of Tobacco Products and New Products

As a global consumer group representing millions of consumers in Europe and globally, we have been working on spreading the harm reduction message to help spread awareness about vaping as a life-saving tool both among smokers and non-smokers. In light of the EU Beating Cancer plan, Dutch vape flavour ban, and proposed German tax on nicotine e-liquids, it appears that the European Union and Member states have decided to turn a blind eye to smokers and push them into abstinence through coercion. Such an approach is disastrous and should be reconsidered.

We urge the EU Commission to follow science and keep the interests of smokers and former smokers in mind as well as the economic costs of excessive taxation of both vaping and tobacco products.

Vaping is a lifesaving tool

Vaping has been proven to be 95% less harmful than smoking and has been endorsed by multiple international health bodies as a safer alternative. While some critics have argued that vaping is a gateway to smoking, the opposite is true. Vaping is a gateway from smoking, and has been used by millions of adults to reduce the health risks associated with tobacco consumption. 

Higher taxes on vaping products are particularly harmful to the lower income brackets of the population

The highest proportion of current smokers are from low income population segments. “[Higher taxes on] vaping liquid would raise the proportion of adults who smoke cigarettes daily by approximately 1 percentage point, translating to 2.5 million extra adult daily smokers” in the United States. With tax increases in the EU, similar consequences would be seen in Europe.

Overregulation of tobacco products boosts illicit trade

Smoking should be seen as a matter of consumer choice and personal responsibility. Tobacco products should not see any further scrutiny. The evidence regarding the effectiveness of taxes, marketing and other restrictions is too weak to justify such drastic interventions. Furthermore, such policies encourage illicit trade. Tobacco price disparity between the EU and other countries in Europe is a contributing factor; however, that also demonstrates that despite anti-tobacco efforts, demand for cigarettes doesn’t go away. 

Adult consumers should be encouraged to make responsible choices bearing in mind the consequences of their actions. Policies based on respect for consumer choice such as education should be preferred over restrictions.

Response:

[EU] First phase consultation of social partners under Article 154 TFEU on possible action addressing the challenges related to working conditions in platform work

This position is in response to the 1st-phase consultation on platform work regulation by the European Commission. The Consumer Choice Center is a consumer organisation, thus not amongst the categories called upon to react to this consultation. That said, with this response we express the urgent call that the consumer point of view is very important in the regulation of platform work, and that we deserve our place in upcoming considerations of the European Commission. Given the status of organisation as a consumer group, we cannot speak in detail on the specific labour regulations. That said, regulation on one area has vertical ramifications on other sectors, meaning that the regulation of platform work has the side-effect of altering, in a positive or negative way, the availability of products and services to consumers.We therefore ask you to consider our point of view in the upcoming consultation process.

  1. Do you consider that the European Commission has correctly and sufficiently identified the issues and the possible areas for EU action?

    The European Commission has provided an extensive overview on the issue, and has contextualised the challenges associated with the issue. The quotes from the document underline this fact. “At the macro-level, not addressing the issues faced by people working through plat-forms in the EU may have repercussions for European labour markets and societies aggravating labour market segmentation and inequalities and potentially leading to a diminished fiscal base for EU governments and thus reducing the effectiveness of social security systems.”

    and

    “Overly restrictive regulation could have a stifling effect on innovation and job creation potential, especially for smaller-scale European scale-ups and start-ups and self-employed persons, depending on its scope.”

    This displays a differentiated view on the issue of platform work and the implications of incoming regulation. However, we believe that the Commission has underestimated the consumer perspective in its analysis. All actors, including platform workers themselves, are benefactors of the sharing economy — through its potential for reducing cost and efficiency, as well as thorough environmental benefits.

    Ride-sharing platforms have given the opportunity to reduce costs for all consumers in major cities, allowing market entry to a new set of consumers, i.e. those consumers who were previously unable to afford a ride in the traditional taxi market.

    This does not only apply to short rides with platforms such as Uber, Bolt, or Heetch, but also to long-distance travel through carpooling sites such as BlaBlaCar. These services have enabled a more social experience, all while being more environmentally-friendly due to the optimisation of resources.

    Other sharing economy services have provided more flexibility and work-life balance to all consumers and those who use the services, for instance through co-working spaces. Adding to that, businesses have found new opportunities, such as through the connection of smart delivery services. The European Commission should account for the added value of platform work for consumers.
  2. Do you consider that EU action is needed to effectively address the identified is-sues and achieve the objectives presented?

    EU action can help facilitate coordination between member states, particularly when a service crosses borders. For instance, an Uber crossing from one country to another. That said, we do not believe that there is a legitimate need for EU action on this topic, due to the diverse nature of sharing economy services. Member states face different challenges in the area of housing, mobility, and other consumer products and services, and therefore a blanket legislative approach would not be appropriate. Each member state should make the necessary regulatory decisions.

    This does not only apply to the question of consumer policy, but also in the realm of labour regulations. Knowing that there are different social security requirements in all member states, a regulatory alignment in one sector could excessively complicate the interior rules system of each country. Adding to that, this approach does not allow for regional specificities. For instance, the mobility sector might be burdened with a restrictive licensing system, which can only be alleviated with the introduction of a ride-sharing platform. Making it more difficult for the latter to be introduced would hurt consumers.

    If we are to follow the principles of the single market, the European Commission should uphold the legality of ride-sharing services throughout the bloc.

[UK] A consultation on the Tobacco and Related Products Regulations 2016 and the Standardised Packaging of Tobacco Products Regulations 2015

Health text and picture warnings

Question 1: How far do you agree or disagree that the introduction of rotating combined (photo and text) health warnings on cigarette and hand rolling tobacco has encouraged smokers to quit?

  • strongly agree
  • agree
  • neither agree or disagree
  • disagree
  • strongly disagree
  • don’t know

Disagree. Despite a persistent belief that nannying consumers out of smoking, health warning labels haven’t proved to be effective in helping smokers quit. For example, in 2012, the US Court of Appeal stated the following: “The Food and Drug Administration has not provided a shred of evidence—much less the “substantial evidence”— showing that the graphic warnings will “directly advance” its interest in reducing the number of Americans who smoke.” Сonsumers are already knowledgeable about the harms and risks associated with smoking, which is why there isn’t much evidence to suggest that the warnings actually deter tobacco use.

It is especially difficult to establish a clear causal relationship between the introduction of health warning labels and its impact on the reduction of smoking rates. Furthermore, the potential causality is complicated by the distinction between heavy and non-heavy smokers, and how they respond to health warning labels. The very same applies to all sorts of marketing and branding bans.

A 2019 experiment published in Health Education Research found that the presence of graphic health warning labels did not influence participants’ purchase of cigarettes as a main effect. The said study also found that smokers who were highly dependent on nicotine dependence were slightly more likely to purchase cigarettes when graphic health warning labels were present. It might also be likely that health warning labels have the opposite effect and entice defensive reaction and, in the end, fail to achieve the expected goal of reducing the smoking rates.

Further scientific research in the United Kingdom would be necessary to determine whether a decline in adult smoking cessation can be related to display bans.

Tobacco products should not see any further scrutiny. The evidence regarding the effectiveness of health warning labels is, therefore, inconclusive. Adult consumers should be encouraged to make responsible choices bearing in mind the consequences of their actions. Long-shot policies based on respect for consumer choice such as education should be preferred over health warning labels. 

Question 2: How far do you agree or disagree that the introduction of rotating combined (photo and text) health warnings on cigarette and hand rolling tobacco has deterred young people from smoking?

Disagree.

First, taking into account the arguments mentioned above, health warnings on cigarettes haven’t proved to be successful in deterring smokers, especially heavy smokers, from smoking. Young people should be educated about smoking and freedom to choose so that they become responsible adult consumers later in life. 

For instance, a 2019 study conducted in Australia found that both smoking and non-smoking university students perceived current cigarette packaging warnings in Australia as having lost much of their effectiveness as tobacco control interventions. Non-smokers perceived health warnings on cigarettes as preventive and needed to raise awareness about smoking. Smokers, on the contrary, were pessimistic about such interventions.

Question 3: Should all tobacco products have a combined (photo and text) health warning on their packaging?

Characterising flavours

Question 4: How far do you agree or disagree that the prohibition of characterising flavours has helped smokers quit smoking?

Question 5: How far do you agree or disagree that the prohibition of characterising flavours has deterred young people from taking up smoking?

E-cigarettes

Question 6: How far do you agree or disagree that the current regulations on e-cigarettes have been proportionate in protecting young people from taking up use of these products?

A report commissioned by PHE in early 2020 affirmed that nearly two-thirds of 11-to-17-year-olds in the United Kingdom who currently vape more than once a month had bought products themselves. Numbers like this often lead to prohibitionist calls for further bans and restrictions on vaping products. However, it is crucial to strike a balance between the need to ensure that teens should not be able to purchase vaping products while encouraging adult smokers to quit.

Another report commissioned by the PHE showed that 38% of smokers believed that vaping is as harmful as smoking while 15% believed that vaping is more harmful. This misconception of risk is a huge concern, because it discourages many current smokers to switch to the less harmful alternative – vaping. It is crucial that smokers are educated about the possibility to switch and reduce health risks associated with conventional smoking. Marketing of vaping products needs to be encouraged so that consumers have access to the necessary information about vaping as means to quit.

Further bans of vaping products will drive more consumers to illegal products on the unregulated black market, where there is no guarantee of safety or quality. A larger black market will make it even easier for minors to purchase vaping products with no age verifications at all. 

However, the use of vaping products among adolescents isn’t widespread. Out of 11-18 year olds never smokers only 0.1% vape more than once a week. 

Question 7: How far do you agree or disagree that the current regulations have ensured that e-cigarettes are available for those smokers who wish to switch to these products?

Agree. The UK’s pro-vaping approach should be applauded: it saves lives, and other countries should follow the UK’s example. In particular, that concerns other European countries since as long as the UK continues to remain open to innovation aimed at reducing rates, there is a chance that they might choose to drift away from paternalism that doesn’t stand up to scrutiny. Despite calls to restrict access to vaping, in particular those that seek to frame vaping as a gateway to smoking, the UK should preserve its role as a global harm reduction advocate.

An analysis of 61 countries showed that 196 million smokers could switch to vaping if other countries treated vaping in the same way as the UK.

However, the UK should further improve its current regulatory framework to achieve its smoke-free 2030 goal (see question 8).

Question 8: What effect do you think the regulations have had on smokers considering switching to e-cigarettes?

Unfortunately, as was mentioned previously, 38% of smokers in the UK believe that vaping is as harmful as smoking while 15% believed that vaping is more harmful. Many regulations have made it more difficult for current smokers to obtain correct information about vaping. The EU Tobacco Products Directive has prevented switching efforts, and after Brexit, the UK has a unique chance to walk away from the EU’s restrictive approach. Excessive bans on advertising of vaping should be lifted in order to ensure smokers – especially heavy smokers – are able to gain all the necessary information about vaping. Significant communication efforts should be channeled to help raise awareness about vaping as a safe means to quit smoking.

Question 9: Do you consider the restrictions on e-cigarette advertising to be an effective way to discourage young people and non-smokers from using e-cigarettes?

Agree, we should not tolerate teen vaping, and any rise in numbers is concerning. Still, we cannot at the same time deprive millions of adult smokers of safer alternatives (according to Public Health England, vaping is at least 95% less harmful than traditional smoking) because of activities that are already illegal. All studies and surveys show that regular use among minors is rare, so the effort should be placed on helping adult smokers quit or for those who do not want to or are not able to quit to switch to vaping or similar alternatives. It is, therefore, crucial to distinguish between communication regarding age restrictions and access to e-cigarettes for minors as such and that aimed at adult smokers.

Novel tobacco products

Question 10: How far do you agree or disagree that the requirements of TRPR on novel tobacco products are proportionate?

Strongly agree, it is crucial that the ucomining legislation update distinguishes between TRPR and conventional tobacco. Vaping was initially invented as a safer alternative aimed at reducing health-associated risks and should be seen as such. We need an on-ramp for harm reduction that is vaping: endorse e-cigarettes as an effective tool to help smokers move to a safer alternative to consume nicotine and eventually quit if they desire to do so.

Enforcement

Question 11: Do you agree or disagree that the penalties for a breach of the regulations are an effective deterrent to ensure compliance with the regulations?

Agree. In the United Kingdom, a video game seller can be fined up to 20,000 GBP for selling age-restricted games to underaged customers. At the same time, a vendor selling vaping liquids to minors comes with a maximum fine of merely 2,500 GBP, an eighth compared to video games. Given that one study found that 5 out of 9 shops sell vaping products to minors, the UK’s fines might need to be adjusted upwards.

The UK should abstain from stricter regulation that target adults, and consequently discourage them from switching. Better and smarter enforcement of existing restrictions on sales should be the focus.

Other question

Question 12: How far do you agree or disagree that there has been an economic impact of TRPR, either positive, negative or both?

Anything else on TRPR?

Question 13: Is there anything else you would like to share on negative or positive impacts the regulations have had on topics not covered above? If so, please explain and include any evidence and research you may have to back your response.

As a global consumer group representing millions of consumers in Europe and globally, we have been working on spreading the harm reduction message to help spread awareness about vaping as a life-saving tool both among smokers and non-smokers. We applaud the UK’s progressive approach to vaping and believe it can do even better after Brexit. In particular, that concerns advertising restrictions and stricter enforcement of the rules concerned with teen vaping. 

We are hopeful that the UK doesn’t give in to scientifically unjustified calls against vaping, and remains an advocate of harm reduction. Added to that, it is also crucial to ensure that the upcoming legislation doesn’t unintentionally target adult smokers in pursuit of reducing vaping rates among teens. Although the UK is the example for Europe and the world, there is room for improvement.

SPoT requirements

Question 14: How far do you agree or disagree that the requirements on the packaging and labelling of tobacco products have been an effective way to protect young people from taking up smoking?

Neither agree or disagree. The only way to protect young people from taking up smoking is through education and enforcement of age restrictions. Moreover, plain packaging as a policy hasn’t proved to be effective in the long.

Question 15: How far do you agree or disagree that the requirements on the packaging and labelling of tobacco products have helped existing smokers quit?

Regardless of noble motives in place, the failures of plain packaging are numerous and evident. In 2012, Australia passed a nation-wide plain packaging decree. The goal was to reduce smoking rates. During the first years of the ban, more young people started to smoke. The smoking rates among Australians in the age range of 12-24-year-olds increased from 12 per cent in 2012 to 16 per cent in 2013. Little or no improvement was made among people aged 30 or older between 2013 and 2016. People aged 40–49 continued to be the age group most likely to smoke daily (16.9%) and the smoking rates among this age group went up from 16.2% in 2013. At the same time, Australia has seen an enormous increase in roll-your-own cigarettes: 26% in 2007, to 33% in 2013 and to 36% in 2016. 

Plain packaging, like taxation, is intended to push consumers away from particular products considered by governments to be harmful, unhealthy and detrimental to the wellbeing of society. What policymakers tend to overlook, though, is that demand for cigarettes is inelastic and thus neither taxes nor branding bans can substantially affect consumer behaviour. 

Question 16: SPoT regulations apply to cigarettes and hand rolling tobacco. How far do you agree or disagree that SPoT regulations should be restricted to cigarettes and hand rolling tobacco (and not other tobacco products)?

Pack size

Question 17: How far do you agree or disagree that the introduction of a minimum pack size or weight is an effective way to protect young people from taking up smoking?

The UK government should abstain from introduction of further interventions not only because those are costly and paternalistic, but also because they haven’t proved to be successful in achieving the set goal. Instead, the government should focus on endorsing vaping as a means to quit smoking

Appearance of cigarettes

Question 18: How far do you agree or disagree that the requirements on the appearance of cigarettes are proportionate?

Enforcement

Question 19: Do you agree or disagree that the penalties for a breach of the regulations are an effective deterrent to ensure compliance with the regulations?

  • agree
  • disagree
  • don’t know

Other question

Question 20: How far do you agree or disagree that there has been an economic impact of SPoT, either positive, negative or both?

Anything else on SPoT?

Question 21: Is there anything else you would like to share on negative or positive impacts the regulations have had on topics not covered above? If so, please explain and include any evidence and research you may have to back your response.

CONSULTATION IS AVAILABLE HERE

[AGGP COP9] Framework Convention for Tobacco Control (FCTC)

1) WHAT PROBLEM ARE THESE POLICIES AND POSITIONS SUPPOSED TO ADDRESS?

At present, the FCTC organization refrains from recommending or even positively mentioning electronic nicotine delivery systems, or vaping devices. One of the latest briefs, dated 24. May 2018, they claim at the evidence on vaping devices is “inconclusive,” and “urge the COP not to engage in lengthy debate on this topic”.

What’s more, they have specifically claimed that ENDS devices do not have enough research or evidence to prove that they are less harmful than traditional combustion tobacco.

This claim is directly contradictory to Public Health England’s own research and official position, which has time and time again found that vaping is 95% less harmful than smoking. 

At the 2018 FCTC COP8 meeting in Geneva, Switzerland, Anne Bucher, director-general of the EU’s Health and Food Safety Directorate, mentioned that despite containing no tobacco, vaping and e-cigarette devices should be considered ‘tobacco products’, subject to all the same laws, restrictions, and bans. The treaty itself sought to enforce the same restrictions on vaping and e-cigarettes as cigarettes and cigars. This will actually hamper people’s ability to quit smoking, and thus is antithetical to the mission and statements of the United Kingdom’s own public health agencies.

The FCTC’s treaty proposals aim to equate vaping products with traditional tobacco products, which is a claim that does not hold up to scrutiny and should be outright objected to by the UK member delegates at COP9.

Rather, the FCTC must revisit its recommendations on ENDS products in order to differentiate them completely from traditional tobacco and to encourage member states to implement the research conducted by bodies such as Public Health England that greenlight vaping as a powerful harm reduction tool for smokers.

2) JUSTIFICATION OF PROPOSALS

The FCTC is a global treaty organized by the World Health Organization. It claims its authority from the Conference of the Parties member countries, as well as the Convention Secretariat. As such, all recommendations that come from the delegation debates and discussions are based merely on topics and scientific evidence that is accepted by the Convention Secretariat, rather than proposed by the individual member countries.

This is antithetical to the United Kingdom’s broader democratic goals domestically, and its commitment to further evidence-based policy in treaty-making organizations abroad.

The main decision-making authorities within the COP process come to their conclusions based on political considerations rather than scientific ones, outright rejecting peer-reviewed scientific claims that seek to amplify broader voices of tobacco harm reduction. Rather, the FCTC and the COP are mostly focused on tobacco control and eradication, rather than harm mitigation and reduction.

3) TRANSPARENCY AND CONSULTATION

The vast majority of the advice and evidence accepted by the FCTC and COP is submitted by nongovernmental organisation members and member states. Most, if not all, nongovernmental organisations that are also members of the COP are strictly tobacco control groups that also do not discuss the advantages or life-saving potential of harm-reducing technologies such as vaping. 

Groups such as the International Network of Nicotine Consumer Organisations have had their observer status to the COP rejected on such frivolous grounds. Because the entire mission of their organisation is not “the eradication of tobacco” in name, it is not allowed to participate or even witness the proceedings. This is also true of our organisation, the Consumer Choice Center.

The only scientific evidence on vaping that has been allowed into the proceedings are drafted, funded, and proposed by tobacco control groups. To no one’s surprise, much of this evidence posits that ENDS and vaping devices “have no proven potential” to be a safer alternative to traditional tobacco.

In addition, the FCTC’s COP, in recent years, has committed large sections of its programming and delegate member time to decide whether journalists should be allowed to sit on or reports on various proceedings of the parties in attendance. This has resulted in dozens of journalists being stripped of their accreditations and forcibly removed from the physical event. This stands against the UK’s defence of freedom of speech.

This rejection of current scientific evidence and consensus, especially from the UK’s own health bodies, is a troubling and problematic state of affairs for the entire FCTC COP procedure. As is the growing “closed-door” proceedings that do not allow in a free press. This must be challenged on all fronts.

4) EXPLORE THE THREAT OF UNINTENDED CONSEQUENCES OF PROPOSALS WITHIN COP9.

Public health policies in the United Kingdom are harmed by the FCTC because the treaty mechanism serves to disincentivise policies that endorse general harm reduction via vaping devices. Seen by the COP, the UK’s policies that encourage smokers to switch to vaping are seen as problematic and could result in sanctions and penalties by the global health body.

What’s more, the stated recommendations of largely outlawing or discouraging vaping devices and vaping technology by the treaty attach compliance with “implementation funds”. That means that member countries that pass restrictions on vaping products are “rewarded” with hundreds of millions of pounds. This was the case with the Republic of Georgia in 2017, which received millions of pounds in exchange for passing a tough anti-tobacco law which also targeted vaping devices. By passing the bill, the Georgian government received promises that it would vastly increase its chances of future European Union accession. The vast majority of the money offered came from British taxpayers, by way of the British delegation to the FCTC.

In this way, the UK’s membership in the FCTC’s COP is not only helping support health policies that directly contradict its own public health establishment, but it also means that British taxpayer dollars are being used as an incentive for countries to implement policies that discourage vaping and make it more difficult. The FCTC’s policies and grants are also being used to coerce current and hopeful member countries that are in large need of developmental funds to grow their economies.

5) FIT FOR PURPOSE.

  1. Because of the evidence stated above, the FCTC protocol has become more of a tool for political power and control rather than considerate public health policies. The goal of harm reduction, which is key to the United Kingdom’s policies toward smokers, is now completely abandoned by the FCTC, if not outright rejected in a hostile manner when brought up by researchers and member countries.
  1. The WHO’s FCTC has strayed from its original intent on helping switch from tobacco to become an organisation that is wholly concentrated on eradicating all alternatives that could help save lives. Reduced-risk products are innovative tools that have helped millions of ordinary Britons and even more people around the world, but the status quo within the FCTC COP ensures that these products cannot get a fair hearing.
  1. Rather than serving as an international platform to discuss smarter and more effective ways to reduce tobacco consumption, the FCTC has instead become an insular sounding board for tobacco control groups and member country delegations that wish to centralise and bureaucratise efforts to reduce smoking, all the while denying the very real positive impacts associated with alternative nicotine delivery products such as vaping. The revolution of harm reduction has so far been championed by UK public health authorities and has encouraged millions of entrepreneurs to creatively offer these products to former smokers. For the FCTC and affiliated organisations, this robust private sector revolution is a movement to be condemned and thwarted. The United Kingdom can longer afford to tacitly agree with the direction of this organisation and is recommended to champion the scientific cause and purpose of harm-reducing technologies such as vaping. With the United Kingdom’s influence, the FCTC could once more achieve its purpose of reducing tobacco consumption around the world.
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