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Litigation Finance Exposes Our Judicial System to Foreign Exploitation

Now that Congress has come to its senses about a forced divestiture plan to uncouple TikTok from the Chinese Communist Party, we’d be remiss not to explore other examples of how powers such as China influence American institutions. Let’s look at our justice system.

In a handful of local court cases around the country, a Shenzhen-based firm has been clandestinely funding intellectual property lawsuits to help upend a major consumer brand.

That company, Purplevine IP, is a Chinese patency consulting firm that provided the money for the Florida tech company Staton Techiya in its lawsuits against Samsung. The company claims the South Korean electronics firm used its intellectual property in its popular audio products.

How do we know this? Because the Delaware judge in this case demanded information on third-party financial arrangements affecting the litigants. In November 2022, Chief Judge Connelly issued a standing order requiring that cases brought to him would need all outside funding disclosed in full before he heard a claim.

This arrangement, known as third-party litigation finance, is a booming trend in U.S. civil courts and is estimated to be a $13.5 billion industry.

Litigation funders are hedge funds, credit lenders, and venture capitalists who front legal costs in exchange for a percentage of any monetary reward. They offer financing to legal firms and plaintiffs fighting major class action lawsuits and tort cases they normally couldn’t afford.

Proponents and industry leaders claim these funding arrangements help empower smaller litigants against massive corporations that wronged them and that may have some merit. But it is also pushing the tools of justice into unknown territory that could be vulnerable to exploitation.

In popular culture, an infamous example of third-party litigation financing is the case of Terry Bodea, the wrestler known as Hulk Hogan, against the embattled online tabloid Gawker. 

After a sex tape of Hogan leaked to the media outlet, a lawsuit was filed by Hogan against Gawker, claiming invasion of privacy. The moneyman backing this lawsuit, we later learned, was billionaire financier Peter Thiel, who had an axe to grind with the gossip site. 

The $115 million judgment against Gawker has proven to be a major cultural turning point on free speech, media malice, and how far public interest can peek into private celebrities’ lives.

Yet, it also revealed how quickly the fast-growing third-party litigation finance industry shifts the balance of justice in civil cases, whether good or bad. Even more so once foreign companies begin using these same tactics to file suits against U.S. firms.

That worries at least a few on Capitol Hill, including Speaker of the House Mike Johnson (R-LA), who last year filed a bill to force disclosure of any and all foreign third-party litigation funders in court. The bill would also outlaw litigation finance—direct or indirect—by any foreign government or sovereign wealth fund.

A Senate bill introduced by Senators John Kennedy (R-LA) and Joe Manchin (D-WV) turned an eye to foreign-funded lawsuits “undermining our economic and national security.”

Beyond national security implications, litigation finance is a creative and unique way to gamify legal proceedings, transforming justice into a game of chance mirroring prop bets and sports wagers.

But more than betting on stocks based on company earnings or games according to player stats, litigation funders have the sway to advise lawyers on witnesses, frame arguments, or even advertise cases to draw more participants in large class actions. Unless judges and courts make direct demands for transparency, there is a chance that much of this could be happening unabated. Is this what we want for the future of civil justice?

Lawsuits are not Monday Night Football or Wall Street. They are tools available to citizens and aggrieved parties in a liberal democracy to deliver justice.

As Business Insider writes, litigation finance has gone from a humble part of the economy to now a top-tier “asset class,” overshadowing the principal aim of our civil courts.

The United States offers a free market and the rule of law for global innovators. This is a great advantage for consumers who benefit from a more bountiful supply of goods and services.

However, as we have seen recently with TikTok’s abuses of privacy and security and the growing intellectual property cases from well-financed firms in China, openness can also be abused to consumers’ detriment.

Disclosure of third-party litigation funding is both necessary and achievable. Many states have already passed laws around this issue, while many judges require it in their courts. The bills introduced in the House and Senate would be reasonable and adequate calls for transparency that would help safeguard our judicial system.

If we want to uphold true justice in America and keep our system fair and accessible, we must turn a spotlight on third-party litigation funding. We all have a stake in it. 

Originally published here

Biden Backs TikTok Ban, but Still Uses It to Campaign

President Joe Biden wants voters to know he supports a bipartisan bill that would ban TikTok if Bytedance, the Chinese company that owns the app, doesn’t sell to a U.S. owner.

In fact, Biden might even tell voters that — using TikTok.

For years, critics have warned TikTok is an unusually aggressive app when it comes to accessing user data. Because the company is based in China, all that information is theoretically accessible by the Chinese Communist Party. As tensions between Washington and Beijing grew, legislation was proposed to protect American consumers from the potential risks.

But that didn’t stop the Biden campaign from joining TikTok in February, part of its attempt to energize younger voters.

It was a different story last summer when campaign officials suggested joining TikTok was off the table because of national security concerns.

But now, the bidenhq TikTok regularly includes clips from Biden speeches, images of likely Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump, and short videos calling a sunglasses-wearing Biden ‘Dark Brandon.’ Both the president and Vice President Kamala Harris have delivered campaign-style videos to users promoting their reelection campaign.

One enthusiastic fan of the Biden campaign TikTok account: The Chinese Communist Party.

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Experts Agree: ByteDance is Beholden to the CCP and Cannot Be Allowed to Exploit Americans’ Data

H.R. 7521, the Protecting Americans from Foreign Adversary Controlled Applications Act, is bipartisan legislation that will protect Americans by preventing foreign adversaries, such as China, from targeting, surveilling, and manipulating the American people through online applications like TikTok.  

Here’s what experts and top voices are saying about the bill: 

Speaker of the House of Representatives Mike Johnson:

“I support the bill being marked up by the Energy & Commerce committee. It’s an important bipartisan measure to take on China, our largest geopolitical foe, which is actively undermining our economy and security.”

Americans for Prosperity Chief Government Affairs Officer Brent Gardner: 

“The fact is that we live in a world where Americans’ phones are being weaponized against them by a foreign adversary, and we cannot sit back and let that happen. We would never want the U.S. federal government to have the power to censor, surveil, and manipulate Americans—we absolutely should not permit that abuse of power by the Chinese government through TikTok.” 

Deputy Director of the Consumer Choice Center Yaël Ossowski:

“Considering the CCP’s unique hold on TikTok and ByteDance, and the data privacy threats to US consumers, a forced divestiture is a balanced and reasonable solution.” 

Read the full text here

Forcing TikTok’s divestiture from the CCP is both reasonable and necessary

Washington, D.C. – Yesterday, a bipartisan group of US House legislators introduced a bill that would force ByteDance Ltd. to sell its US version of TikTok or face massive fines and federal investigations. This would have big ramifications for the video-sharing app, which is estimated to have over 150 million users in the US.

In practice, HR7521 designates the popular social media application TikTok as a “foreign adversary controlled application,” invoking the government’s ability to force the firm into new ownership by any private, legal entity in the United States —  a full forced divestiture.

Yaël Ossowski, deputy director of the consumer advocacy group, Consumer Choice Center, responded:

“In recent years, the default mode for the federal government has been to wage a regulatory war against American tech companies, all the while leaving the Chinese Communist Party-linked app TikTok to grow uninhibited,” said Ossowski. “While consumers generally do not want wholesale bans on popular tech, considering the unique privacy and security concerns implicit in TikTok’s ownership structure as well as its accountability and relationship to the CCP, the solution of a forced divestiture is both appropriate and necessary.”

Reports have already revealed that European TikTok users can, and have, had their data accessed by company officials in Beijing. The same goes for US users. Given the ownership structure of TikTok, there isn’t anything that can be done about this to shield American consumers from privacy violations. A forced divestiture would bring TikTok under the legal authority of the US and thus alleviate many of the concerns that consumers have about their security on the app. 

We praise Reps. Gallagher and Krishnamoorthi for spearheading this effort in a constitutionally nuanced and legal way that does not risk furthering the anti-tech attitudes of so many in Washington,” concluded Ossowski. “Upholding consumer choice is among our core principles, as is ensuring that the ethos of liberal democracies continues to guide the arc of technological progress.

READ: The best answer to TikTok is a forced divestiture 

The CCC represents consumers in over 100 countries across the globe. We closely monitor regulatory trends in Washington, D.C., Ottawa, Brussels, Geneva, and other hotspots of regulation and inform and activate consumers to fight for  Consumer Choice. Learn more at consumerchoicecenter.org

Is the future of 6GHz hybrid?

Although both mobile operators and the Wi-Fi industry declared victories following the World Radiocommunication Conference (WRC-23) in Dubai last December, the agreement allows for both licensed and unlicensed operations in the 6GHz band. This differs from the two most prominent schools of spectrum, American and Chinese, where the 6GHz spectrum is predominantly allocated to Wi-Fi services or 5G. However, it aligns with the European strategy of facilitating coexistence between International Mobile Telecommunications (IMT) and Wi-Fi technologies.

Among the countries that have delicensed both the upper and lower 6GHz bands are the United States, Canada, Brazil, Saudi Arabia, and South Korea. The other group, which includes the European Union, the United Kingdom, and many others has delicenced only the lower 6GHz band. Conversely, China allocated a significant portion of its 6GHz spectrum to 5G in 2023, positioning itself at the forefront of enabling 5G (and, eventually, 6G) technology.

The EU considers the allocation of the 6GHz band crucial for boosting 5G deployment and aims for a hybrid solution where Wi-Fi and International Mobile Telecommunications (IMT) can coexist. Final decisions are expected by 2026, with Europe likely providing early insights into the technical feasibility of this coexistence.

Proponents of delicensing the 6GHz band argue that it enables the use of spectrum bands more flexibly, without the constraints of specific services. They emphasize the preference for Wi-Fi over 5G in home internet settings and suggest that delicensing Wi-Fi could lower internet costs in remote areas, as Wi-Fi 6 and Wi-Fi 6E use existing, therefore less expensive technology. Additionally, they point to Wi-Fi 6E’s capacity for speeds up to 9.6 Gbps, three times faster than current standards, and its superior performance in crowded settings. Moreover, Wi-Fi 6E is noted for its energy efficiency (attributed to built-in power-saving features) and adaptability to challenging geographical landscapes.

Proponents of allocating the 6GHz spectrum to International Mobile Telecommunications (IMT) and specifically to 5G highlight different benefits. They stress that such an allocation would significantly increase bandwidth and capacity, leading to improved quality of service. 5G, designed to deliver speeds up to 10 Gbps, would benefit from the 6GHz with reduced latency, which is crucial for applications that require real-time responsiveness, such as autonomous driving and telemedicine. Additionally, 5G supports up to a million connected devices per square kilometer, an essential feature for the Internet of Things (IoT) ecosystem.

Both technologies have specific uses: Wi-Fi 6 E is ideal for smart homes, virtual reality, and large-scale events, while 5G excels in autonomous vehicles, telemedicine, and industrial Internet of Things applications. Each has its competitive advantages. 5G typically covers a more comprehensive geographical range than Wi-Fi 6E and can be used both indoors and outdoors. 5G offers slightly faster speeds, whereas Wi-Fi 6E requires less investment in infrastructure.

As governments worldwide ponder the future of the 6GHz spectrum and experts question the benefits versus the costs, many political questions need to be addressed.

Providing affordable connectivity in remote areas is a complex challenge, and there are no clear answers to the best solution. In the past, smaller and geographically flatter countries have found straightforward solutions for mobile connectivity, such as state investment in backbone infrastructure and facilitating last-mile access for commercial use. Larger countries with complex topography face challenges on an entirely different scale, especially in developing markets.

Originally published here

The EU’s AI ACT will stifle innovation and won’t become a global standard

February 5, 2024 – On February 2, the European Union’s ambassadors green lit the Artificial Intelligence Act (AI Act). Next week, the Internal Market and Civil Liberties committees will decide its fate, while the European Parliament is expected to cast their vote in plenary session either in March or April. 

The European Commission addressed a plethora of criticism on the AI Act’s potential to stifle innovation in the EU by presenting an AI Innovation package for startups and SMEs. It includes EU’s investment in supercomputers, statements on Horizon Europe and Digital Europe programs investing up to €4 billion until 2027, establishment of a new coordination body – AI Office – within the European Commission.

Egle Markeviciute, Head of Digital and Innovation Policies at the Consumer Choice Center, responds:

“Innovation requires not only good science, business and science cooperation, talent, regulatory predictability, access to finance, but one of the most motivating and special elements – room and tolerance for experimentation and risk. The AI Act is likely to stifle the private sector’s ability to innovate by moving their focus to extensive compliance lists and allowing only ‘controlled innovation’ via regulatory sandboxes which allow experimentation in a vacuum for up to 6 months,” said Markeviciute. 

“Controlled innovation produces controlled results – or lack thereof. It seems that instead of leaving regulatory space for innovation, the EU once again focuses on compensating this loss in monetary form. There will never be enough money to compensate for freedom to act and freedom to innovate,” she added.

“The European Union’s AI Act will be considered a success only if it becomes a global standard. So far, it does not seem the world is planning on following in the EU’s footsteps.”

Yaël Ossowski, deputy director of the Consumer Choice Center, adds additional context:

“Despite optimistic belief in the ‘Brussels effect’, the AI Act has not yet resonated with the world. South Korea will focus on the G7 Hiroshima process instead of the AI Act. Singapore, the Philippines, and the United Kingdom have openly expressed concern that imperative AI regulations at this stage can stifle innovation. US President Biden issued an AI Executive Order on the use of AI back in October of 2023, yet the US approach seems to be less restrictive and relies upon federal agency rules,” said Ossowski.

“Even China – a champion of state involvement in both individual and business practices is yet to finalize its AI Law in 2024 and is unlikely to be strict with AI companies compliance due to their ambition in terms of global AI race. In this context, we have to acknowledge that the EU has to adhere to already existing frameworks for AI regulation, not the other way around,” concluded Ossowski.

The CCC represents consumers in over 100 countries across the globe. We closely monitor regulatory trends in Ottawa, Washington, Brussels, Geneva, Lima, Brasilia, and other hotspots of regulation and inform and activate consumers to fight for #ConsumerChoice. Learn more at consumerchoicecenter.org.

Let Apple be Apple — consumers don’t need DOJ intervention 

Apple is a lifestyle brand. The $2.8 trillion company, founded by Ronald Wayne, Steve Wozniak and Steve Jobs, is known to the world as an innovator in consumer technology, but using Apple products is widely seen as a lifestyle choice embraced by consumers. 

I’m an Apple guy. My devices are all synced, from the iPhone to the Macbook Pro, the Apple Watch and the HomePod mini. No one coerced me into this way of living, but that hasn’t stopped the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) from investigating Apple and concocting yet another vast antitrust case against an American company.  

As of today, President Biden’s Federal Trade Commission (FTC) has taken Amazon and Meta to court over alleged anti-competitive practices, and the DOJ has hit Google with two antitrust suits targeting Google Search and their ad services. According to The New York Times, the DOJ is still calculating whether or not to bring its multipronged antitrust complaint against Apple.  

What stands out in the Times’s report on the investigation is that it reads like Apple’s competitors are behind the steering wheel of their very own government agency. David McCabe and Tripp Mickle write, “Rivals have said that they have been denied access to key Apple features, like the Siri virtual assistant, prompting them to argue the practices are anticompetitive.”  

Imagine the classroom slacker making the case to the teacher that the straight-A student in the front of the class is being anti-competitive by not sharing their lecture notes with them.  

It’s one thing to maliciously penalize or seek to inconvenience consumers for having a mixed assortment of technology from Apple, LG, Samsung, Nokia and Google. It’s another thing entirely for the government to say that Apple has to design its products for Samsung to piggyback on and then offer to their loyal customers as a perk of not doing business with Apple. Investigators are spending taxpayer dollars to find out why the Apple Watch works more smoothly with the iPhone than with rival brands.  

Does the DOJ work for Samsung or the American people?  

This mindset is exactly what went wrong in court for FTC chair Lina Khan when she threw the once-relevant consumer protection agency between the Microsoft and Activision-Blizzard merger, a case that District Court Judge Jacqueline Scott Corley indicated seemed to be a benefit to Sony, a Japanese firm, more than American consumers. 

None of this is to say Apple is a perfect company, or that it’s behaved like a free enterprise angel throughout every aspect of its business. It hasn’t. Its long-time reliance on manufacturing and investments in China, and how that steers its business, is a big one. But that Apple makes intentionally integrated products that foster brand loyalty and consumer satisfaction is special in the landscape of American tech. Apple is a seamless experience for consumers like myself who are not huge techies, but rather novices who place a premium on convenience and ease of use. 

The reality for Apple is that it operates in a global marketplace with different rules of the road on almost every continent. The European Union is very close to forcing open Apple’s App Store model to allow for third-party app stores on their devices, a provision of the 2022 Digital Markets Act. The EU has also directed its regulatory energies on requiring device manufacturers to have a universal charging port, further removing design distinctions between major tech brands.  

In the United States, Apple narrowly fended off the maker of Fortnite, Epic Games, in a high-profile lawsuit contending Apple held an unfair monopoly over payment processing for in-app purchases. The case failed when the courts correctly acknowledged that Apple does not hold a monopoly in the mobile games market. 

Tech firms may all be united in that they are the target of never-before-seen political scrutiny in Washington, but they are still competitors. You can see this in how they fight government regulation of their business with one hand, and request government help in slowing down their competition with the other. 

Meta reportedly “encouraged” the Justice Department to look into Apple’s new consumer privacy tool, App Tracking Transparency, which empowers iPhone owners to customize and cut off data collection by advertisers of their choosing. It is not a coincidence that Meta anticipates a $10 billion loss in revenue from this useful tool Apple designed for consumers concerned with privacy.  

None of this is new. Successful companies and established industries have always sought to use the federal government as both a cudgel and a shield to protect their interests. For those of us chiefly concerned with consumer satisfaction and welfare, there is no temptation to choose winners and losers in the market.  

Let Apple be Apple, and let consumers choose.  

Originally published here

New Trade Boss Is Same as the Old Trade Boss

President Biden places a significant premium on creating contrast with his predecessor, Donald Trump. However, regarding tariffs on certain imports, the plan is to keep things more or less the same. 

Recent reports indicate that the Biden administration is evaluating $300 billion worth of Chinese goods that Trump saddled with tariffs using Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974. Consumers will eat the costs, as they always do with protectionist policies. And it doesn’t seem to matter which party consumers vote for.

Inflation has been gradually cooling in the United States, offering consumers some much-needed relief after 2022 saw declines in household earnings due to higher prices. The easing of inflation has given Biden what he thinks is political wiggle room to further ding China on trade, bolstering his image with voters as tough on a foreign rival.

This is not how a free market economy is meant to work. An election year shouldn’t deliver higher consumer prices on select goods that don’t make the president’s Nice List. Electric vehicles with Chinese components and mineral-based products will remain artificially more expensive if tariffs continue and may even see an increase if Biden opts to turn the screws even tighter.

It’s a puzzling move for an administration that has touted fighting climate change as America’s most critical national security imperative, as tariffs will also inflate the price of clean energy technology. Consumers will flock to electric vehicles when the price is right and the reliability of the tech increases.

Tariffs will also contribute to disruptions in an already crisis-plagued global supply chain. Military operations against Iran-backed Houthi pirates in the Red Sea are blowing up the logistics of commercial shipping vessels worldwide. Roughly 30 percent of the world’s container shipments move through the Suez Canal, and the security risk has doubled shipping times and, in turn, will raise consumer prices.

Breakdowns in diplomatic relations and military primacy in strategic regions like the Red Sea or South China Sea do not come without consequence for Americans and their pocketbooks.

Research from the American Action Forum in 2023 found that the cost of tariffs was passed on to consumers to the tune of $48 billion since being implemented by  Trump. That Biden would knowingly continue with this policy to score points looking tough with the Chinese is an insult to every American struggling to keep up with the costs of living.

Instead of resorting to steeper tariffs, the Biden administration is focused on lowering the cost of doing business in America for domestic industries. Blanket tariffs do little more than sweep larger economic problems under the rug for the next administration to find. The problem with dirt under the rug is that the next guy probably won’t sweep it up, and the losers are American consumers.

Originally published here

EPA Could Drown Industries, Make Consumers Pay

Has air pollution improved in our lifetime?

The narrative is that our atmosphere and air quality are more pollutedthan ever, requiring drastic economic and societal reform to clean it.

But in the United States, the opposite is true.

According to the EPA’s data, air pollution — measured using the six most common air pollutants — has reduced 42 percent since 2000. This measure considers the molecular makeup of particulate matter, whether that be smoke, dust or soot.

These numbers may be increasing in some developing countries where air pollution is a measurable problem, such as China or India. Still, the United States has managed to take a different path.

While some of this is because of policing and permitting programs by federal and state environmental regulators, the overwhelming amount of reduction has been generated in cleaner and more efficient practices from industries themselves — including manufacturing, agriculture and energy — as a means of reducing their costs.

However successful we’ve been in reducing air pollution, a proposed rule that could upset that decline and put many industries and the consumers that depend on them at risk.

In January, the Environmental Protection Agency proposed a rule limiting the amount of particulate matter from 12 micrograms per cubic meter of air to between 9 and 10, seeking to update the National Ambient Air Quality Standards.

That rule is being examined by the Office of Management and Budget, leading to concerns that the drastic regulatory change would harm more than help.

In September, 23 Republican senators sent a letter to the EPA administrator urging him to reconsider, citing the economic cost and their belief that lowering the standard would “produce little to no measurable public health or environmental benefits.”

This decision follows the EPA’s reconsideration of the Trump administration’s stance on particulate matter in June 2021, where it opted to maintain the existing National Ambient Air Quality Standards of 12 micrograms per cubic meter. The proposed rule is awaiting approval after undergoing interagency review with the OMB.

The NAAQS rule is pivotal in regulating “major sources” of pollutants or significant modifications to existing sources such as power plants and manufacturing facilities. Under the current standard, the industry has thrived thanks to innovative approaches to resource utilization. The proposed change, however, could force manufacturers and power generators to curtail their operations significantly, leading to revenue losses and job cuts. More important, this would eventually raise costs or reduce choices for consumers who depend on those industries.

If implemented, the new particulate matter standard could grind manufacturing and industrial projects to a halt, affecting new and continuing initiatives. Compliance with the stricter standard would become a significant challenge for companies, jeopardizing manufacturing, power generation and other vital industrial activities.

Ironically, this move could hinder President Biden’s goal of reshoring manufacturing jobs and establishing the nation as a leader in energy transition technologies. Rather than fostering growth, the EPA’s rule risks stifling U.S. manufacturing, driving investment and jobs overseas.

The numbers tell a grim story. According to the National Association of Manufacturers, the proposed standard could threaten economic activity from $162.4 billion to $197.4 billion, putting 852,100 to 973,900 jobs at risk. Additionally, 200 counties may be unable to support industrial activity if the rule is adopted.

In essence, the EPA’s proposed rule is a solution in search of a problem. Punishing U.S. industry, which has excelled in achieving clean air standards, this move threatens to destabilize the economy and penalize consumers. The OMB must reject this rule, recognizing the potential for severe economic repercussions and the unnecessary burden it places on businesses and consumers.

Originally published here

Britain’s pro-innovation approach will help strengthen its global AI position

The United Kingdom’s Minister for Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Intellectual Property Jonathan Berry, 5th Viscount Camrose, has thankfully reaffirmed Britain’s rational approach to AI regulation. The UK was already 3rd in global AI research and home to a third of Europe’s AI businesses. It is now well-positioned to become a global innovation hub and a world example of how to regulate this emergent field.

While the current European Union’s approach to AI rules often breeds frustration and distrust among industry leads, the UK’s model, introduced earlier this year, creates an atmosphere conducive to discovery and experimentation while remaining aware of the risks AI may bring.

Britain is refreshingly open about the fact that rushed attempts to regulate would not bring the desired result and run the risk of stifling innovation. Secretary of State at the Department for Science, Innovation & Technology Michelle Donelan describes the UK’s innovation-focused approach as “common sense and outcomes-oriented”. In her words, AI is one of five key technologies of the future oriented toward promoting the public good.

Much like Singapore, the UK favors partnering with innovators over introducing hasty regulations and governs AI through various existing laws and standards. While unified AI regulation could eventually be beneficial, it requires careful consideration and testing before implementation.

The UK’s framework focuses on three key objectives to kickstart the engine of discovery: facilitating responsible innovation and reducing regulatory uncertainty to boost growth; enhancing public trust in AI through clear principles; and reinforcing the UK’s position as a global AI leader.

One of the ways the UK strives to collaborate with innovators is the AI regulatory sandbox. Regulatory sandboxes are one of the best catalysts of invention and business development. They support innovators in helping them access the market, test the regulatory framework’s operation in access, eliminate unnecessary barriers, and identify emerging technology and market trends where legislation needs to adapt.

The UK’s current framework-oriented approach does not necessarily mean they will refrain from regulating AI in the future. Instead, Britain pledges to invest more time and effort in understanding both the technology and the risks it brings before moving on to more specific regulation while providing time and space for innovators to scale.

The UK’s aim to be a global AI leader is a goal shared by countries like the US, Canada, China, Israel, and the UAE. Achieving this requires strong R&D, data access, talent, infrastructure, financing, collaboration with major market players, a dynamic innovation ecosystem, a strong local market, and supportive regulatory and political environments.

Occupying 3rd place in AI research & and development and 4th in the Global Innovation Index, Britain has good prospects of becoming one of the leaders in the AI realm. With four of the top 10 global universities and a large number of STEM graduates, the UK’s academic sector excels in innovation and commercialization. The UK houses a third of Europe’s AI businesses and has invested £2.5 billion in AI since 2014, with over £1.1 billion earmarked for future AI initiatives. The UK’s AI sector currently employs 50,000 people and ranks 10th in the Global Talent Competitiveness Index. Initiatives like the Global Talent Visa, championed by Prime Minister Rishi Sunak, aim to further boost the UK’s tech talent pool.

The UK Government’s regulatory approach is receiving a good market response so far – Google DeepMind, OpenAI, and Anthropic will grant early or priority access to their AI models for the UK government to assess their capabilities and safety risks, whereas Microsoft has recently announced a £2.5 billion investment in AI infrastructure and skills over the next 3 years.

It is important that the UK continues its pro-innovation approach and does not repeat the EU’s mistakes – where the scope of regulation became broader once it was handed to regulators who have never experienced the realities of this market for themselves.

The CEO and co-founder of French AI startup Mistral Arthur Mensch recently tweeted that the European Union’s AI Act in its early form was meant to be about product safety, and application regulation, yet currently proposes to regulate “foundational models”, the core technology of AI. What was once about cultivating exciting new prospects is now a significant obstacle to further innovation.

The UK, alongside Singapore, demonstrates progressive innovation policies, recognizing that AI and similar sectors are highly influenced by regulatory environments. These environments can either attract or repel tech companies, sometimes leading to regulatory circumvention, creating distrust and potential societal harm.

Nobel Prize laureate Milton Friedman once said that one of the great mistakes is to judge policies and programs by their intentions rather than their results.

Although it is logically easy to understand why some countries adopt stringent laws to deter potential negative outcomes, the practice has shown that the public sector’s humility in acknowledging its limited understanding of new technologies, combined with supportive actions rather than strict regulation, often yields more openness and better results – both for business and society.

Originally published here

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