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Science

Give patients more access: We need zero VAT on medicines in Europe

As Europeans face a public health crisis, we should increase patient accessibility by abolishing VAT on the most essential of goods, writes Bill Wirtz.

The COVID-19 pandemic has put health policy back into the hearts and minds of European decision-makers. Before the outbreak, Europe had been in a debate about drug pricing, but it only involved the upper echelon of political institutions. Often blamed are pharmaceutical companies, as well as a lack of price transparency. But having a closer looks at the costs of drugs shows that one of the main drivers for high costs is sales taxes on medicines.

Informed patients will know that all but one European country charge VAT on over-the-counter (OTC) medicine and prescription medicine. Germany charges as much as 19% VAT on both types of medicines, while Denmark ranks the highest, with rates at 25% – that is a fifth of the total price for a drug!

There is only one country that does not charge VAT on prescription or over-the-counter drugs: Malta. Luxembourg (3% each) and Spain (4% each) also show that modest VAT rates on drugs are not a crazy idea but something millions of Europeans already benefit from. Sweden and the UK both charge 0% VAT on prescription medicine, yet 25% and 20% respectively on OTC.

One of the significant roadblocks towards more patient access to drugs is the unfair tax policies of some EU member states. Before talking about eroding intellectual property rights and price setting across the block, we should discuss whether we should have a VAT on medicines.

Especially on prescription medicine, where cancer drugs can reach substantial price levels, VAT rates of up to 25% significantly burden patients and their health insurance. On prescription medicine, there is little sense in first charging value-added tax, and then have national health insurance providers pick up the tab. As for OTC medicine, the implication that just because it isn’t prescribed, it therefore isn’t an essential good, is a blindspot of policy-makers.

Many OTC meds, ranging from drug headache pain relief, heartburn medicine, lip treatments, respiratory remedies, or dermatological creams are not only essential medicines for millions of Europeans; they often act as preventative care. The more we tax these goods, the more we are burdening MDs with non-essential visits.

Following the example of Malta, European countries should lower their VAT rates to 0% on all medicines. The purpose of VAT is to take a cut out of commercial activity, making sure that all commercial transactions pay what is considered their fair share, even those businesses who traditionally don’t pay any company taxes. However, regarding the sale of medicine as a purely commercial transaction, from the standpoint of patients, misses the point. Millions of patients need specific prescription medicine every day, and others rely on the help of over-the-counter drugs to relieve pain or treat problems that do not require professional medical attention.

It is time for European nations to agree on a binding Zero VAT agreement on medicine or at least a cap at 5%, which would reduce drug prices in the double digits, increase accessibility, and create a fairer Europe.

Originally published here.

Wir brauchen keine Mehrwertsteuer auf Medikamente in Europa

Da EuropĂ€er mit einer Krise der öffentlichen Gesundheit konfrontiert sind, sollten wir die ZugĂ€nglichkeit fĂŒr Patienten verbessern, indem wir die Mehrwertsteuer auf Medikamente abschaffen.

Die Corona-Pandemie hat Gesundheitspolitik zur Chefsache der europĂ€ischen EntscheidungstrĂ€ger gemacht. Vor dem Ausbruch gab es auf EU-Ebene bereits eine Debatte ĂŒber Arzneimittelpreise. HĂ€ufig werden Pharmaunternehmen und mangelnde Preistransparenz dafĂŒr verantwortlich gemacht, dass Medikamente zu teuer sind. Ein genauerer Blick auf die Arzneimittelkosten zeigt jedoch, dass eine der Hauptursachen fĂŒr hohe Kosten die Verkaufssteuern auf Medikamente sind.

Manche Patienten werden wissen, dass bis auf ein Land EU LĂ€nderMehrwertsteuer auf rezeptfreie und verschreibungspflichtige Medikamente erheben. Deutschland erhebt 19% Mehrwertsteuer auf beide Arten von Arzneimitteln, wĂ€hrend DĂ€nemark mit SĂ€tzen von 25% – das ist ein FĂŒnftel des Gesamtpreises fĂŒr ein Medikament – am höchsten liegt.

Es gibt nur ein Land, das weder auf verschreibungspflichtige noch auf rezeptfreie Arzneimittel Mehrwertsteuer erhebt: Malta. Luxemburg (je 3%) und Spanien (je 4%) zeigen auch, dass bescheidene MehrwertsteuersĂ€tze auf Medikamente keine verrĂŒckte Idee sind, sondern etwas, wovon bereits Millionen von EuropĂ€ern profitieren. Schweden und das Vereinigte Königreich erheben beide 0% Mehrwertsteuer auf verschreibungspflichtige Arzneimittel, jedoch 25% bzw. 20% auf rezeptfreie Arzneimittel.

Eines der wesentlichen Hindernisse auf dem Weg zu mehr Patientenzugang zu Medikamenten ist die unfaire Steuerpolitik einiger EU-Mitgliedsstaaten. Bevor wir ĂŒber die SchwĂ€chung von Patentrechten und europaweite Einheitspreise fĂŒr Medikamente sprechen, sollten wir darĂŒber diskutieren, ob wir eine Mehrwertsteuer auf Medikamente ĂŒberhaupt erheben sollten.

Insbesondere bei verschreibungspflichtigen Medikamenten, wo Krebsmedikamente schnell richtig teuer werden, belasten MehrwertsteuersĂ€tze von bis zu 25% Patienten und ihre Krankenversicherung erheblich. Bei verschreibungspflichtigen Medikamenten macht es wenig Sinn, zuerst die Mehrwertsteuer zu erheben und dann (meist) die öffentlichen Krankenkassen die Rechnung ĂŒbernehmen zu lassen.

Viele OTC (over the counter)-Medikamente, die von der Linderung von Kopfschmerzen, Sodbrennen, Lippenbehandlungen, Atemwegsmitteln bis zu dermatologischen Cremes reichen, sind fĂŒr Millionen von EuropĂ€ern nicht nur wichtige Medikamente, sondern dienen hĂ€ufig auch der PrĂ€vention. Je mehr wir diese GĂŒter besteuern, desto mehr belasten wir die Ärzte mit nicht unbedingt notwendigen Besuchen. Komischerweise fĂ€llt bei Arzt- oder Krankenhausbesuch in Deutschland keine Umsatzsteuer an – Schwer ist aber zu verstehen warum diese dann auf Medikamente und Hilfsmittel erhoben wird. Was rezeptfreien Medikamente betrifft, so ist die Implikation, dass sie, nur weil sie nicht verschrieben werden, kein essentielles Gut sind, ein blinder Fleck der politischen EntscheidungstrĂ€ger.

Dem Beispiel Maltas folgend, sollte Deutschland Medikamente von der Mehrwertsteuer befreien. . Der Zweck der Mehrwertsteuer besteht darin, einen Teil aus der kommerziellen TÀtigkeit herauszunehmen und sicherzustellen, dass alle kommerziellen Transaktionen gerecht besteuert werden, auch jene Unternehmen, die traditionell keine Unternehmenssteuern zahlen. Den Verkauf von Medikamenten aus der Sicht der Patienten als eine rein kommerzielle Transaktion zu betrachten, verfehlt jedoch den Sinn. Millionen von Patienten benötigen tÀglich bestimmte verschreibungspflichtige Medikamente, und andere sind auf die Hilfe von rezeptfreien Medikamenten angewiesen, um Schmerzen zu lindern oder Probleme zu behandeln, die keine professionelle medizinische Behandlung erfordern.

Es ist an der Zeit, dass sich die europĂ€ischen LĂ€nder auf ein verbindliches Null-Mehrwertsteuer-Abkommen fĂŒr Arzneimittel oder zumindest auf eine Obergrenze von 5% einigen, was die Arzneimittelpreise im zweistelligen Bereich senken, die ZugĂ€nglichkeit erhöhen und ein gerechteres Europa schaffen wĂŒrde.

Originally published here.

Let European scientists participate in the gene-revolution

A French scientist has won a Nobel Prize for a technology that has been made illegal for use in agriculture by the European Union…

One wonders how exactly the news was received in the European Commission when two female scientists, one of which French, received the 2020 Nobel Prize in Chemistry, for the development of the gene-editing technology CRISPR-Cas9. The discovery of Emmanuelle Charpentier from the Max Planck Institute for Infection Biology in Berlin and Jenifer Doudna from the University of California has far-reaching positive impacts for the work of medicine, but also for industry and consumers in the area of energy and agriculture. However, due to outdated EU-legislation dating back to the beginning of the century, genetic engineering is not legal to be used in food.

When EU Directive 2001/18/EC (a piece of legislation governing the use of GMOs) was introduced, Emmanuelle Charpentier and Jenifer Doudna had not yet developed CRISPR-Cas9. However, in 2018, the European Court of Justice delivered a ruling that declares products derived from directed mutagenesis (gene-editing) illegal under the said directive, because it is a GMO. Whether or not gene-edited foods and GMOs are the same is a scientific conversation that would overwhelm the scope of this article, but for the sake of understanding the irony of the ECJ ruling, readers ought to know this: random mutagenesis is legal under EU law, while gene-editing is not. Random mutagenesis has been practised in Europe for decades, and is less safe than precise gene-editing.

Interestingly, this is not an uninformed take on the matter, but the assessment of the European Commission’s own Group of Chief Scientific Advisors, from a statement back in November 2018. On the issue of random mutagenesis, they also write:

“The resulting mutant organisms (in this case plants) require lengthy screening of the organisms’ characteristics to identify the few mutants that carry a novel desirable feature and do not present any unwanted features. Despite this lengthy screening process, the ultimately selected end products are likely to carry additional mutations beyond the ones resulting in the desired trait, each of which can be considered to be an ‘unintended effect’. Such unintended effects can be harmful, neutral or beneficial with respect to the final product.”

In the absence of listening to its own scientists, the European Union is lagging behind the rest of the world. The Consumer Choice Center has, together with the Genetic Literacy Project, released the Gene Editing Regulation Index, which compares the regulatory leniency of governments in different regions of the world. Needless to say, the European Union does not score well. It is time for policymakers to stand up for science and innovation and let Europe remain a global powerhouse of breakthroughs.

We need to allow European scientists to participate in the gene-revolution, and have them work together with farmers to release the innovations of the future. As I have laid out on the blog of the Consumer Choice Center, recent gene-editing innovations allow us to produce more paper with less resources, and make salmon less prone to disease and more affordable for consumers. Through genetic engineering, we can both fight the challenge of climate and that of increasing population.

Let us usher in a century of innovation in Europe, and let European scientists lead the charge.

Originally published here.

Gene-editing innovations can save us (if we let it)

2020 marked a first in the history of the Nobel Prize. For the first since its creation, a science Nobel Prize has been awarded to two women. Jenifer Doudna from the University of California, and Emmanuelle Charpentier from the Max Planck Institute for Infection Biology in Berlin were awarded the 2020 Nobel Prize in Chemistry, for the development of CRISPR-Cas9. The gene-editing method revolutionises the scientific understanding and practice of working with genetics, and has widespread applications in the fields of medicine and agriculture.

Together with the Genetic Literacy Project, the CCC released the first Gene-editing Regulation Index, that shows how the world compares in its regulation on gene-editing. Unfortunately, we see that regions such as Europe have, through outdated legislation, limited their ability to innovate.

Let’s take a look at three recent innovations in the realm of gene-editing.

Gene-edited trees

Researchers at the VIB-UGent Center for Plant Systems Biology in Belgium, together with researchers at the University of Wisconsin have discovered, through CRISPR-Cas9, a method of reducing the amount of lignin in trees, which eases the process of making paper. This would reduce the carbon footprint of the paper industry, as well as for the production of bio-fuels and bio-based materials. 

The communication from the entrepreneurial non-profit research institute VIB, which works in close partnership with five universities in Flanders, Belgium — Ghent University, KU Leuven, University of Antwerp, Vrije Universiteit Brussel and Hasselt University — also says: “The applications of this method are not only restricted to lignin but might also be useful to engineer other traits in crops, providing a versatile new breeding tool to improve agricultural productivity.”

Gene-edited salmon

Researchers at the Norwegian institute Nofima are investigating whether CRISPR-Cas9 can help reduce or completely squash the prevalence of sea lice in Atlantic salmon. It is known that North American salmon does not deal with sea lice, thus the scientists are trying to replicate the phenomenon through genetic engineering.

If successful, this does not imply that gene-edited fish will be available immediately, as there are still a lot of procedural and regulatory hurdles to overcome. That said, making Atlantic salmon immune to lice would mean more efficient fishing in European waters, and more affordable salmon for European consumers.

Gene-editing against opioid overdoses

With tens of thousands of people dying each year of opioid overdoses, Professor of Pharmacology at Oklahoma State University Craig Stevens writes that it doesn’t have to be that way. Using CRISPR-Cas9, he claims that gene-editing a patient’s brain would prevent opioids bind opioid receptors on respiratory neurons — in plain English: during an opioid overdose, the patient dies because he or she stops breathing. Through gene-editing the brains of 10% of opioid patients, Stevens claims that the United States could save thousands of lives and save $43 billion.

The Farm to Fork es una utopĂ­a polĂ­tica demasiado grande.

Para 2030, la Unión Europea tiene como objetivo lograr una amplia gama de objetivos, de acuerdo con la estrategia “De la granja a la mesa” de la Comisión Europea. Desde un punto de vista político, el documento es la confirmación de una tendencia: las ideas verdes están ganando importancia en la política del día a día de Bruselas y están logrando muchos de sus objetivos con esta hoja de ruta.

De acuerdo con la Estrategia de Biodiversidad, que se presentĂł al mismo tiempo que la Estrategia “De la granja a la mesa”, la ComisiĂłn Von der Leyen parece ser mĂĄs ecolĂłgica que sus predecesoras. ÂżPero esto tambiĂ©n es bueno para los agricultores y los consumidores?

En el corazĂłn de “De la granja a la mesa” estĂĄ la reducciĂłn a la mitad de los pesticidas para 2030, incluidos los que la Autoridad Europea de Seguridad Alimentaria (EFSA) ha considerado seguros. Esto deberĂ­a plantear preguntas a primera vista: si estos productos han sido seguros hasta ahora, Âżpor quĂ© deben reducirse? Si no se ha comprobado que sean seguros hasta ahora, Âżpor quĂ© no se han prohibido antes?

El objetivo de reducir a la mitad es incomprensible en este sentido. Si los productos fitosanitarios son fundamentalmente perjudiciales para la salud humana, el 50% restante es tan maligno como los que se eliminarĂĄn gradualmente.

La verdad es engañosa. Existe una discrepancia entre la retórica científica y política. La mayoría de los productos fitosanitarios establecidos han sido clasificados como seguros durante mucho tiempo, tanto por estudios independientes como por varias instituciones nacionales e internacionales.

Esto no ha impedido que muchos los cuestionen de todos modos, y con razĂłn. Cambios en el conocimiento cientĂ­fico: quienes tienen nueva evidencia estĂĄn obligados a presentarla en interĂ©s de la seguridad alimentaria. La ciencia no es una construcciĂłn estĂĄtica grabada en piedra como una verdad Ășnica y absoluta.

Para los que se oponen a estos medios, no se trata de un debate cientĂ­fico, sino de una cuestiĂłn ideolĂłgica de principio. Las intervenciones en la naturaleza se ven con escepticismo, independientemente de su importancia para la seguridad alimentaria.

Estos activistas deben saber que no todo lo natural tiene que ser saludable: por ejemplo, los mohos naturales transportan aflatoxinas, que son responsables de una gran proporción de los casos de cåncer de hígado en el mundo. En África, el 40% de todos los casos de cåncer de hígado se atribuyen a las aflatoxinas.

Estos se han combatido con fungicidas durante muchos años, pero ahora se prohibirån cada vez mås de estos productos.

A menudo es suficiente tener una conversaciĂłn con un agricultor. Por el momento, la mayorĂ­a de la gente se queja de la falta de lluvia, pero a largo plazo, el catĂĄlogo cada vez mĂĄs reducido de pesticidas permitidos es un problema real. Los insectos se comen las existencias, independientemente de lo que diga o regule la ComisiĂłn Europea.

Esto conduce a precios mås altos en el supermercado, lo que es desastroso para muchas personas de bajos ingresos, especialmente en vista del desequilibrio económico actual. Este no es un problema principal para el comisario holandés de Cambio Verde, Frans Timmermans.

En un discurso ante la Comisión de Agricultura y Desarrollo Rural del Parlamento Europeo el 7 de mayo, dijo que estamos acostumbrados a la comida barata durante demasiado tiempo y que necesitamos un cambio de paradigma en términos de agricultura sostenible.

Si los consumidores soportan las consecuencias de tales experimentos y los agricultores no tienen otra alternativa que enfrentar los obstĂĄculos de los problemas naturales, Âżno es hora de repensar nuestra polĂ­tica agrĂ­cola?

Originally published here.

΀ο «Farm to Fork» Î”ÎŻÎœÎ±Îč ÎŒÎčα ÎżÏ…Ï„ÎżÏ€ÎčÎșÎź Ï€ÎżÎ»ÎčτÎčÎșÎź

΀ο ÎœÎ­Îż σχέΎÎčÎż της ΕΕ ÎłÎčα ÎČÎčώσÎčΌα ÏƒÏ…ÏƒÏ„ÎźÎŒÎ±Ï„Î± Ï„ÏÎżÏ†ÎŻÎŒÏ‰Îœ ÎșÎčΜΎυΜΔύΔÎč Μα ÎČÎ»ÎŹÏˆÎ”Îč Ï„ÏŒÏƒÎż Ï„ÎżÏ…Ï‚ ÎșαταΜαλωτές ÏŒÏƒÎż ÎșαÎč Ï„ÎżÏ…Ï‚ Î±ÎłÏÏŒÏ„Î”Ï‚, ÎłÏÎŹÏ†Î”Îč Îż Bill Wirtz.

ΜέχρÎč Ï„Îż 2030, η ΕυρωπαϊÎșÎź ΈΜωση ΔπÎčÎŽÎčώÎșΔÎč Μα ΔπÎčτύχΔÎč έΜα Δυρύ Ï†ÎŹÏƒÎŒÎ± στόχωΜ, σύΌφωΜα ΌΔ τη ÏƒÏ„ÏÎ±Ï„Î·ÎłÎčÎșÎź «Farm to Fork» της ΕυρωπαϊÎșÎźÏ‚ ΕπÎčÏ„ÏÎżÏ€ÎźÏ‚. Από Ï€ÎżÎ»ÎčτÎčÎșÎź ÎŹÏ€ÎżÏˆÎ·, Ï„Îż Î­ÎłÎłÏÎ±Ï†Îż Î±Ï€ÎżÏ„Î”Î»Î”ÎŻ τηΜ ΔπÎčÎČΔÎČÎ±ÎŻÏ‰ÏƒÎ· ÎŒÎčας Ï„ÎŹÏƒÎ·Ï‚: ÎżÎč Ï€ÏÎŹÏƒÎčΜΔς ÎčΎέΔς Î±Ï€ÎżÎșÏ„ÎżÏÎœ ÏƒÎ·ÎŒÎ±ÏƒÎŻÎ± στηΜ ÎșαΞηΌΔρÎčÎœÎź Ï€ÎżÎ»ÎčτÎčÎșÎź τωΜ ΒρυΟΔλλώΜ ÎșαÎč ΔπÎčÏ„Ï…ÎłÏ‡ÎŹÎœÎżÏ…Îœ Ï€ÎżÎ»Î»ÎżÏÏ‚ από Ï„ÎżÏ…Ï‚ ÏƒÏ„ÏŒÏ‡ÎżÏ…Ï‚ Ï„ÎżÏ…Ï‚ ΌΔ αυτόΜ Ï„ÎżÎœ Ï‡ÎŹÏÏ„Î· Ï€ÎżÏÎ”ÎŻÎ±Ï‚.

ÎŁÏÎŒÏ†Ï‰ÎœÎ± ΌΔ τη ÏƒÏ„ÏÎ±Ï„Î·ÎłÎčÎșÎź ÎłÎčα τη ÎČÎčÎżÏ€ÎżÎčÎșÎčλότητα, η ÎżÏ€ÎżÎŻÎ± Ï€Î±ÏÎżÏ…ÏƒÎčÎŹÏƒÏ„Î·ÎșΔ Ï„Î±Ï…Ï„ÏŒÏ‡ÏÎżÎœÎ± ΌΔ τη ÏƒÏ„ÏÎ±Ï„Î·ÎłÎčÎșÎź «Farm to Fork», η ΕπÎčÏ„ÏÎżÏ€Îź Von der Leyen Ï†Î±ÎŻÎœÎ”Ï„Î±Îč Μα Î”ÎŻÎœÎ±Îč πÎčÎż Ï€ÏÎŹÏƒÎčΜη από Ï„ÎżÏ…Ï‚ Ï€ÏÎżÎșÎ±Ï„ÏŒÏ‡ÎżÏ…Ï‚ της. ΑλλΏ αυτό Î”ÎŻÎœÎ±Îč Î”Ï€ÎŻÏƒÎ·Ï‚ Îșαλό ÎłÎčα Ï„ÎżÏ…Ï‚ Î±ÎłÏÏŒÏ„Î”Ï‚ ÎșαÎč Ï„ÎżÏ…Ï‚ ÎșαταΜαλωτές;

ÎŁÏ„Î·Îœ ÎșαρΎÎčÎŹ Ï„ÎżÏ… «Farm to Fork» ÎČÏÎŻÏƒÎșΔταÎč Ï„Îż ÎŒÎčσό τωΜ Ï†Ï…Ï„ÎżÏ†Î±ÏÎŒÎŹÎșωΜ έως Ï„Îż 2030, συΌπΔρÎčλαΌÎČÎ±ÎœÎżÎŒÎ­ÎœÏ‰Îœ ΔÎșÎ”ÎŻÎœÏ‰Îœ Ï€ÎżÏ… Î­Ï‡ÎżÏ…Îœ ÎČÏÎ”ÎžÎ”ÎŻ Î±ÏƒÏ†Î±Î»Îź από τηΜ ΕυρωπαϊÎșÎź Î‘ÏÏ‡Îź ÎłÎčα τηΜ Î‘ÏƒÏ†ÎŹÎ»Î”Îčα τωΜ Î€ÏÎżÏ†ÎŻÎŒÏ‰Îœ (EFSA). Αυτό Ξα πρέπΔÎč Μα ΞέσΔÎč Î”ÏÏ‰Ï„ÎźÏƒÎ”Îčς ΔÎș πρώτης όψΔως: Î”ÎŹÎœ Î±Ï…Ï„ÎŹ τα Ï€ÏÎżÏŠÏŒÎœÏ„Î± ÎźÏ„Î±Îœ Î±ÏƒÏ†Î±Î»Îź ΌέχρÎč τώρα, ÎłÎčÎ±Ï„ÎŻ πρέπΔÎč Μα ΌΔÎčÏ‰ÎžÎżÏÎœ; ΑΜ ΎΔΜ Î­Ï‡ÎżÏ…Îœ ÎČÏÎ”ÎžÎ”ÎŻ Î±ÏƒÏ†Î±Î»Î”ÎŻÏ‚ ΌέχρÎč τώρα, ÎłÎčÎ±Ï„ÎŻ ΎΔΜ Î­Ï‡ÎżÏ…Îœ Î±Ï€Î±ÎłÎżÏÎ”Ï…Ï„Î”ÎŻ ÎœÏ‰ÏÎŻÏ„Î”ÏÎ±;

Ο ÏƒÏ„ÏŒÏ‡ÎżÏ‚ της ÎŽÎčÏ‡ÎżÏ„ÏŒÎŒÎ·ÏƒÎ·Ï‚ Î”ÎŻÎœÎ±Îč αÎșÎ±Ï„Î±ÎœÏŒÎ·Ï„ÎżÏ‚ υπό Î±Ï…Ï„ÎźÎœ τηΜ Î­ÎœÎœÎżÎčα. Î•ÎŹÎœ τα Ï†Ï…Ï„ÎżÏ€ÏÎżÏƒÏ„Î±Ï„Î”Ï…Ï„ÎčÎșÎŹ Ï€ÏÎżÏŠÏŒÎœÏ„Î± Î”ÎŻÎœÎ±Îč ΞΔΌΔλÎčωΎώς ΔπÎčÎČλαÎČÎź ÎłÎčα τηΜ αΜΞρώπÎčΜη Ï…ÎłÎ”ÎŻÎ±, τότΔ Ï„Îż Ï…Ï€ÏŒÎ»ÎżÎčÏ€Îż 50% Î”ÎŻÎœÎ±Îč Î”ÎŸÎŻÏƒÎżÏ… ÎșαÎșοΟΞη ΌΔ Î±Ï…Ï„ÎŹ Ï€ÎżÏ… Ξα ÎșÎ±Ï„Î±ÏÎłÎ·ÎžÎżÏÎœ.

Η αλΟΞΔÎčα Î”ÎŻÎœÎ±Îč ΎύσÎșολη. Î„Ï€ÎŹÏÏ‡Î”Îč ÎŒÎčα ÎŽÎčÎ±Ï†ÎżÏÎŹ ΌΔταΟύ της ΔπÎčÏƒÏ„Î·ÎŒÎżÎœÎčÎșÎźÏ‚ ÎșαÎč της Ï€ÎżÎ»ÎčτÎčÎșÎźÏ‚ ÏÎ·Ï„ÎżÏÎčÎșÎźÏ‚. ΀α πΔρÎčσσότΔρα ÎșαΞÎčΔρωΌέΜα Ï€ÏÎżÏŠÏŒÎœÏ„Î± Ï€ÏÎżÏƒÏ„Î±ÏƒÎŻÎ±Ï‚ τωΜ φυτώΜ Î­Ï‡ÎżÏ…Îœ από ÎșαÎčρό χαραÎșτηρÎčÏƒÏ„Î”ÎŻ ως Î±ÏƒÏ†Î±Î»Îź, Ï„ÏŒÏƒÎż από Î±ÎœÎ”ÎŸÎŹÏÏ„Î·Ï„Î”Ï‚ ΌΔλέτΔς ÏŒÏƒÎż ÎșαÎč από ÎŽÎčÎŹÏ†ÎżÏÎżÏ…Ï‚ ΔΞΜÎčÎșÎżÏÏ‚ ÎșαÎč ÎŽÎčÎ”ÎžÎœÎ”ÎŻÏ‚ ÎżÏÎłÎ±ÎœÎčÏƒÎŒÎżÏÏ‚.

Αυτό ΎΔΜ ΔΌπόΎÎčσΔ Ï€ÎżÎ»Î»ÎżÏÏ‚ Μα τÎčς αΌφÎčσÎČÎ·Ï„ÎźÏƒÎżÏ…Îœ ÎżÏÏ„Ï‰Ï‚ Îź ÎŹÎ»Î»Ï‰Ï‚, ÎșαÎč ÎŽÎčÎșÎ±ÎŻÏ‰Ï‚. ΟÎč ΔπÎčÏƒÏ„Î·ÎŒÎżÎœÎčÎșές ÎłÎœÏŽÏƒÎ”Îčς Î±Î»Î»ÎŹÎ¶ÎżÏ…Îœ: ÏŒÏƒÎżÎč Î­Ï‡ÎżÏ…Îœ Μέα ÏƒÏ„ÎżÎčÏ‡Î”ÎŻÎ± Ï…Ï€ÎżÏ‡ÏÎ”ÎżÏÎœÏ„Î±Îč Μα Ï„Îż Ï€Î±ÏÎżÏ…ÏƒÎčÎŹÏƒÎżÏ…Îœ Ï€ÏÎżÏ‚ Ï„Îż ÏƒÏ…ÎŒÏ†Î­ÏÎżÎœ της Î±ÏƒÏ†ÎŹÎ»Î”Îčας τωΜ Ï„ÏÎżÏ†ÎŻÎŒÏ‰Îœ. Η ΔπÎčÏƒÏ„ÎźÎŒÎ· ΎΔΜ Î”ÎŻÎœÎ±Îč έΜα στατÎčÎșό ÎșατασÎșΔύασΌα Ï€ÎżÏ… Ï„ÎŻÎžÎ”Ï„Î±Îč σΔ πέτρα ως ÎŒÎżÎœÎ±ÎŽÎčÎșÎź ÎșαÎč απόλυτη αλΟΞΔÎčα.

ΓÎčα Ï„ÎżÏ…Ï‚ αΜτÎčÏ€ÎŹÎ»ÎżÏ…Ï‚ αυτώΜ τωΜ ΌέσωΜ, ΎΔΜ πρόÎșΔÎčταÎč ÎłÎčα ΔπÎčÏƒÏ„Î·ÎŒÎżÎœÎčÎșÎź ÏƒÏ…Î¶ÎźÏ„Î·ÏƒÎ·, αλλΏ ÎłÎčα ÎčΎΔολογÎčÎșό Î¶ÎźÏ„Î·ÎŒÎ± Î±ÏÏ‡ÎźÏ‚. ΟÎč παρΔΌÎČÎŹÏƒÎ”Îčς στη φύση αΜτÎčÎŒÎ”Ï„Ï‰Ï€ÎŻÎ¶ÎżÎœÏ„Î±Îč ΌΔ σÎșΔπτÎčÎșÎčσΌό, Î±ÎœÎ”ÎŸÎŹÏÏ„Î·Ï„Î± από Ï„Îż Ï€ÏŒÏƒÎż σηΌαΜτÎčÎșές Î”ÎŻÎœÎ±Îč ÎłÎčα τηΜ ΔπÎčσÎčτÎčστÎčÎșÎź Î±ÏƒÏ†ÎŹÎ»Î”Îčα.

Î‘Ï…Ï„ÎżÎŻ ÎżÎč αÎșτÎčÎČÎčστές Ξα πρέπΔÎč Μα ÎłÎœÏ‰ÏÎŻÎ¶ÎżÏ…Îœ ότÎč ΎΔΜ Î”ÎŻÎœÎ±Îč όλα τα φυσÎčÎșÎŹ Ï€ÎżÏ… πρέπΔÎč Μα Î”ÎŻÎœÎ±Îč Ï…ÎłÎčÎź: ÎłÎčα Ï€Î±ÏÎŹÎŽÎ”ÎčÎłÎŒÎ±, τα φυσÎčÎșÎŹ ÎșÎ±Î»ÎżÏÏ€Îčα Ï†Î­ÏÎżÏ…Îœ Î±Ï†Î»Î±Ï„ÎżÎŸÎŻÎœÎ”Ï‚, ÎżÎč ÎżÏ€ÎżÎŻÎ”Ï‚ Î”ÎŻÎœÎ±Îč υπΔύΞυΜΔς ÎłÎčα έΜα ÎŒÎ”ÎłÎŹÎ»Îż ÎŒÎ­ÏÎżÏ‚ τωΜ πΔρÎčπτώσΔωΜ ÎșαρÎșÎŻÎœÎżÏ… Ï„ÎżÏ… ÎźÏ€Î±Ï„ÎżÏ‚ ÏƒÏ„ÎżÎœ ÎșÏŒÏƒÎŒÎż. ÎŁÏ„Î·Îœ ΑφρÎčÎșÎź, Ï„Îż 40% όλωΜ τωΜ πΔρÎčπτώσΔωΜ ÎșαρÎșÎŻÎœÎżÏ… Ï„ÎżÏ… ÎźÏ€Î±Ï„ÎżÏ‚ Î±Ï€ÎżÎŽÎŻÎŽÎ”Ï„Î±Îč σΔ Î±Ï†Î»Î±Ï„ÎżÎŸÎŻÎœÎ”Ï‚.

Î‘Ï…Ï„ÎŹ Î­Ï‡ÎżÏ…Îœ ÎșÎ±Ï„Î±Ï€ÎżÎ»Î”ÎŒÎ·ÎžÎ”ÎŻ ΌΔ ΌυÎșÎ·Ï„ÎżÎșτόΜα ÎłÎčα Ï€ÎżÎ»Î»ÎŹ χρόΜÎčα, αλλΏ ÏŒÎ»Îż ÎșαÎč πΔρÎčσσότΔρα από Î±Ï…Ï„ÎŹ τα Ï€ÏÎżÏŠÏŒÎœÏ„Î± πρέπΔÎč τώρα Μα Î±Ï€Î±ÎłÎżÏÎ”Ï…Ï„ÎżÏÎœ.

ÎŁÏ…Ï‡ÎœÎŹ αρÎșΔί Μα ÏƒÏ…ÎœÎżÎŒÎčÎ»Î”ÎŻÏ‚ ΌΔ έΜαΜ Î±ÎłÏÏŒÏ„Î·. Î ÏÎżÏ‚ Ï„Îż παρόΜ, ÎżÎč πΔρÎčÏƒÏƒÏŒÏ„Î”ÏÎżÎč Ï€Î±ÏÎ±Ï€ÎżÎœÎżÏÎœÏ„Î±Îč ÎłÎčα έλλΔÎčψη ÎČÏÎżÏ‡ÎźÏ‚, αλλΏ ΌαÎșÏÎżÏ€ÏÏŒÎžÎ”ÏƒÎŒÎ±, Îż συρρÎčÎșÎœÏ‰ÎŒÎ­ÎœÎżÏ‚ ÎșÎ±Ï„ÎŹÎ»ÎżÎłÎżÏ‚ τωΜ ΔπÎčτρΔπόΌΔΜωΜ Ï†Ï…Ï„ÎżÏ†Î±ÏÎŒÎŹÎșωΜ Î”ÎŻÎœÎ±Îč έΜα Ï€ÏÎ±ÎłÎŒÎ±Ï„ÎčÎșό πρόÎČληΌα. ΀α Î­ÎœÏ„ÎżÎŒÎ± ÎșÎ±Ï„Î±ÎœÎ±Î»ÏŽÎœÎżÏ…Îœ Î±Ï€ÎżÎžÎ­ÎŒÎ±Ï„Î±, Î±ÎœÎ”ÎŸÎŹÏÏ„Î·Ï„Î± από Ï„Îż τÎč λέΔÎč Îź ÏÏ…ÎžÎŒÎŻÎ¶Î”Îč η ΕυρωπαϊÎșÎź ΕπÎčÏ„ÏÎżÏ€Îź.

Αυτό οΎηγΔί σΔ υψηλότΔρΔς τÎčΌές ÏƒÏ„Îż ÏƒÎżÏÏ€Î”Ï ÎŒÎŹÏÎșΔτ, Ï„Îż ÎżÏ€ÎżÎŻÎż Î”ÎŻÎœÎ±Îč ÎșÎ±Ï„Î±ÏƒÏ„ÏÎżÏ†ÎčÎșό ÎłÎčα Ï€ÎżÎ»Î»ÎżÏÏ‚ Ï‡Î±ÎŒÎ·Î»ÎżÏ ΔÎčÏƒÎżÎŽÎźÎŒÎ±Ï„ÎżÏ‚ ÎŹÏ„ÎżÎŒÎ±, ÎčÎŽÎŻÏ‰Ï‚ ΔΜόψΔÎč της Ï„ÏÎ­Ï‡ÎżÏ…ÏƒÎ±Ï‚ ÎżÎčÎșÎżÎœÎżÎŒÎčÎșÎźÏ‚ αΜÎčÏƒÎżÏÏÎżÏ€ÎŻÎ±Ï‚. Αυτό ΎΔΜ Î±Ï€ÎżÏ„Î”Î»Î”ÎŻ πρωταρχÎčÎșό πρόÎČληΌα ÎłÎčα Ï„ÎżÎœ ΟλλαΜΎό Î•Ï€ÎŻÏ„ÏÎżÏ€Îż ÎłÎčα τηΜ Î ÏÎŹÏƒÎčΜη ΑλλαγΟ Frans Timmermans.

ΣΔ ÎżÎŒÎčλία Ï„ÎżÏ… στηΜ ΕπÎčÏ„ÏÎżÏ€Îź Î“Î”Ï‰ÏÎłÎŻÎ±Ï‚ ÎșαÎč Î‘ÎœÎŹÏ€Ï„Ï…ÎŸÎ·Ï‚ της Î„Ï€Î±ÎŻÎžÏÎżÏ… Ï„ÎżÏ… ΕυρωπαϊÎșÎżÏ ΚοÎčÎœÎżÎČÎżÏ…Î»ÎŻÎżÏ… στÎčς 7 ÎœÎ±ÎÎżÏ…, Î”ÎŻÏ€Î” ότÎč Î­Ï‡ÎżÏ…ÎŒÎ” ÏƒÏ…ÎœÎ·ÎžÎŻÏƒÎ”Îč ÎłÎčα Ï†Ï„Î·ÎœÎŹ τρόφÎčΌα ÎłÎčα Ï€ÎżÎ»Ï ÎșαÎčρό ÎșαÎč ότÎč χρΔÎčαζόΌαστΔ ÎŒÎčα αλλαγΟ Ï€Î±ÏÎ±ÎŽÎ”ÎŻÎłÎŒÎ±Ï„ÎżÏ‚ ÏŒÏƒÎżÎœ Î±Ï†ÎżÏÎŹ τη ÎČÎčώσÎčΌη ÎłÎ”Ï‰ÏÎłÎŻÎ±.

Î•ÎŹÎœ ÎżÎč ÎșαταΜαλωτές Ï†Î­ÏÎżÏ…Îœ τÎčς συΜέπΔÎčΔς Ï„Î­Ï„ÎżÎčωΜ πΔÎčÏÎ±ÎŒÎŹÏ„Ï‰Îœ, ÎșαÎč ÎżÎč Î±ÎłÏÏŒÏ„Î”Ï‚ ΎΔΜ Î­Ï‡ÎżÏ…Îœ Ώλλη ΔΜαλλαÎșτÎčÎșÎź λύση αλλΏ Μα αΜτÎčÎŒÎ”Ï„Ï‰Ï€ÎŻÏƒÎżÏ…Îœ τα ΔΌπόΎÎčα τωΜ φυσÎčÎșώΜ Ï€ÏÎżÎČÎ»Î·ÎŒÎŹÏ„Ï‰Îœ, ΎΔΜ Î”ÎŻÎœÎ±Îč ÎșαÎčρός Μα Î”Ï€Î±ÎœÎ”ÎŸÎ”Ï„ÎŹÏƒÎżÏ…ÎŒÎ” τη ÎłÎ”Ï‰ÏÎłÎčÎșÎź Όας Ï€ÎżÎ»ÎčτÎčÎșÎź;

Originally published here.

The Farm to Fork is too much of a political utopia

The EU’s new blueprint for sustainable food systems risks hurting both consumers and farmers, writes Bill Wirtz.

By 2030, the European Union is aiming to achieve a wide range of goals, according to the European Commission’s “Farm to Fork” strategy. From a political point of view, the document is the confirmation of a trend: green ideas are gaining in importance in Brussels’ day-to-day politics and are achieving many of their goals with this roadmap.

In line with the Biodiversity Strategy, which was presented at the same time as the “Farm to Fork” Strategy, the Von der Leyen Commission seems to be greener than its predecessors. But is this also good for farmers and consumers?

At the heart of “Farm to Fork” is the halving of pesticides by 2030, including those that have been found safe by the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA). This should raise questions at first sight: if these products have been safe until now, why do they need to be reduced? If they have not been found to be safe so far, why have they not been banned earlier?

The target of halving is incomprehensible in this sense. If plant protection products are fundamentally harmful to human health, then the remaining 50% is just as malignant as those that will be phased out.

The truth is tricky. There is a discrepancy between scientific and political rhetoric. Most established crop protection products have long been classified as safe, both by independent studies and by several national and international institutions.

This has not prevented many from questioning them anyway, and rightly so. Scientific knowledge changes: those who have new evidence are obliged to present it in the interest of food safety. Science is not a static construct that is set in stone as a unique and absolute truth.

For opponents of these means, it is not a scientific debate, but rather an ideological question of principle. Interventions in nature are viewed with scepticism, regardless of how important they are for food security.

These activists should know that not everything natural has to be healthy: for example, naturally occurring moulds carry aflatoxins, which are responsible for a large proportion of the world’s liver cancer cases. In Africa, 40% of all liver cancer cases are attributed to aflatoxins.

These have been combated with fungicides for many years, but more and more of these products are now to be banned.

It is often enough to have a conversation with a farmer. At the moment, most people complain about a lack of rain, but in the long term, the shrinking catalogue of permitted pesticides is a real problem. Insects eat up stocks, regardless of what the European Commission says or regulates.

This leads to higher prices in the supermarket, which is disastrous for many low-income earners, especially in view of the current economic imbalance. This is not a primary problem for the Dutch Green Change Commissioner Frans Timmermans.

In a speech to the European Parliament’s Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development on 7 May, he said that we have been accustomed to cheap food for too long and that we need a paradigm shift in terms of sustainable agriculture.

If consumers bear the consequences of such experiments, and farmers are left with no alternative but to face the hurdles of natural problems, is it not time to rethink our agricultural policy?

Originally published here.

How to feed 11 billion people?

If the EU wants to fight global hunger, it needs to stop food elitism, writes the Consumer Choice Centre’s Fred Roeder.

By 2070 the world will be populated by approximately 10.5 billion people. This means that we will need to be able to feed a further three billion people. Fortunately, technological advances in agriculture and technology have already helped us provide food for an extra 5.5 billion people in the last century compared to the two billion that populated the earth in 1920. Stanford University estimates that if we were to still use the farming technology of 1960, we would need additional farming land equivalent to the size of Russia to earn the same yields as current technology.

Unfortunately, the current political narrative in one of the world’s wealthiest regions seems to ignore the challenges ahead of us and wants us to turn to less efficient farming. The European Union’s Farm to Fork (F2F) strategy sets out to create a more sustainable food system by the end of this decade. However, looking at the current proposals, it is worrisome that this new policy framework will achieve the opposite of sustainable farming and could lead not just Europe but the entire world to a food crisis with massive geopolitical ramifications.

“Stanford University estimates that if we were to still use the farming technology of 1960, we would need additional farming land equivalent to the size of Russia to earn the same yields as current technology”

The EU plans to increase the share of organic farming as a total of agricultural production from the current level of 7.5 percent to 25 percent by 2030. Additionally, they plan to reduce pesticide use by half. At the same time, the F2F strategy does not embrace new technologies that allow farmers to achieve the same yields they are able to produce using the current level of pesticides.

More organic farming in Europe means lower yields of EU food production and higher prices for consumers. The shortage in Europe will be likely compensated by additional food imports from other parts of the world. This will lead to a global increase in food prices. For affluent regions of the world such as Europe, this will be rather a nuisance for consumers. But for people already living at the edge of existence and facing hunger, this will have very negative consequences.

In India, home to a fifth of the world’s population, the country’s caste system means that farmers of the lowest caste live and farm on land that is more likely to experience regular flooding, resulting in poor or destroyed rice harvests. However, using gene editing, we can produce rice crops that can submerge underwater for up to two weeks and still provide high yields. Such technologies are a clear game-changer for the poor and hungry and should be embraced. There’s no humanitarian case against them but a strong one for them.

Unfortunately, many critics of pesticides also oppose the use of gene editing. This can result in lower food production in the face of growing demand.

“We indeed all share one planet and we therefore need to have sensible food policies that acknowledge hunger still being a problem for one in ten of us every day”

We all saw the dramatic refugee crisis in 2015, including all the terrible suffering and drowning in the Mediterranean. While the EU’s policies did not trigger this crisis, our future agricultural policies could cause widespread famines in parts of Africa and Asia. We indeed all share one planet and we therefore need to have sensible food policies that acknowledge hunger still being a problem for one in ten of us every day. No one wants to see people forced from their homes because of starvation, but, with just a few adjustments of the EU’s future agricultural policies, we can mitigate many of the negative drivers of poverty and hunger.

The EU’s Farm to Fork strategy needs to take this into account and not jeopardise our ability to feed an ever-growing population.

Originally published here.

Energiewende: ce que le sévÚre échec de la transition énergétique allemande devrait nous apprendre

énergie nucléaire centrales environnement

Si nous voulons ĂȘtre sĂ©rieux face aux dĂ©fis climatiques et Ă  la demande croissante d’Ă©nergie, il faut que nous reprenions d’urgence le dossier de l’Ă©nergie nuclĂ©aire.

Imaginez vous que vous dĂ©clarez une transition Ă©nergĂ©tique mais que personne n’y participe. C’est au sens propre ce qui s’est passĂ© en Allemagne avec l’ “Energiewende” (la transition Ă©nergĂ©tique).

Cette transition allemande a entraĂźnĂ© une hausse importante des prix pour les gens ordinaires. L’Institut de recherche Ă©conomique a constatĂ© que ce changement radical avait coĂ»tĂ© plus de 28 millions d’euros aux mĂ©nages allemands, car le marchĂ© Ă©tait soumis Ă  une concurrence moindre. Les grands gagnants de cette transition sont l’industrie du charbon et du gaz.

En effet, l’utilisation des centrales Ă©lectriques au charbon et au gaz a tant augmentĂ© que l’Allemagne — mĂȘme avec tout les efforts de rĂ©duction des Ă©missions de dioxyde de carbone, est restĂ©e stagnante sur ses rĂ©sultats. Ainsi ses objectifs climatiques n’ont pas Ă©tĂ© atteints. Afin d’Ă©viter la situation de l’Allemagne, les Verts en Finlande sont en faveur de l’Ă©nergie nuclĂ©aire. En Suisse, mĂȘme si le pays ne construit plus de nouvelles centrales, elle a plusieurs fois rejetĂ© le principe d’une sortie complĂšte du nuclĂ©aire par voie de rĂ©fĂ©rendum.

La nĂ©cessitĂ© du nuclĂ©aire devient Ă©galement prĂ©gnante pour des raisons de sĂ©curitĂ© nationale: pourquoi accepter une dĂ©pendance croissante au gaz venant de Russie, pays qui viole les droits de l’Homme et se montre rĂ©guliĂšrement hostile aux payes europĂ©ens ?

Pour le monde scientifique, dont le monde politique veut se fier quand il s’agit de souligner l’urgence du changement climatique, a rĂ©guliĂšrement fait entendre sa voix dans ce dĂ©bat. En dĂ©cembre 2014, 75 scientifiques du monde entier ont rĂ©digĂ© une lettre ouverte aux Ă©cologistes sur l’Ă©nergie nuclĂ©aire, affirmant qu’il s’agit d’un moyen efficace et nĂ©cessaire de produire de l’Ă©nergie et que les faits contredisent le raisonnement idĂ©ologique qui s’oppose aux centrales.

Ces scientifiques Ă©taient rĂ©unis par le professeur Barry W. Brook, titulaire de la chaire d’environnement durable Ă  l’universitĂ© de Tasmanie, en Australie. Cet Ă©cologiste a publiĂ© trois livres et plus de 300 articles scientifiques. Leur lettre disait :

“MĂȘme si les sources d’Ă©nergie renouvelables comme le vent et le soleil contribueront probablement de plus en plus Ă  la production Ă©nergĂ©tique future, ces options technologiques sont confrontĂ©es Ă  des problĂšmes concrets d’extensibilitĂ©, de coĂ»t, de matĂ©riel et d’utilisation des terres, ce qui signifie qu’il est trop risquĂ© de les considĂ©rer comme les seules alternatives aux combustibles fossiles.”

L’Ă©nergie nuclĂ©aire rĂ©pond aux problĂšmes de notre temps. C’est une Ă©nergie abordable et, de façon importante, n’Ă©met pas d’Ă©missions CO2. Les Etats-Unis, pas particuliĂšrement connu d’ĂȘtre adepte aux accords internationaux pour le climat, ont Ă©vitĂ© 476,2 tonnes de CO2 grĂące au nuclĂ©aire. Depuis 1995, cela fait un total de 15,7 milliards de tonnes qui a Ă©tĂ© Ă©vitĂ© grĂące au nuclĂ©aire, soit un tiers de la consommation annuelle de la planĂšte. Evidemment, il s’agit d’un chiffre qu’il s’agirait d’augmenter mais cela ne sera possible qu’avec des modĂšles Ă©nergĂ©tiques comme celui de la France, qui garantie l’indĂ©pendence Ă©nergĂ©tique avec un systĂšme de centrales nuclĂ©aires extensifs.

De plus, il faut revenir sur les faits quand Ă  la discussion sur les dĂ©chets. En rĂ©alitĂ©, le combustible nuclĂ©aire est extrĂȘmement dense. Il est environ un million de fois plus important que celui des autres sources d’Ă©nergie traditionnelles et, de ce fait, la quantitĂ© de combustible nuclĂ©aire utilisĂ©e est petite. La totalitĂ© des dĂ©chets des combustibles nuclĂ©aires produit par l’industrie nuclĂ©aire amĂ©ricaine au cours des 60 derniĂšres annĂ©es pourrait tenir sur un terrain de football Ă  moins de 10 mĂštres de profondeur. De plus, actuellement 96% de ces “dĂ©chets” sont recyclables.

L’opposition au nuclĂ©aire est principalement dĂ» Ă  la mĂ©connaissance des systĂšmes technologiques, ainsi qu’à la mĂ©diatisation problĂ©matiques des accidents comme celui de Fukishima. Comme le note l’Ă©cologiste Michael Schellenberger, “le nombre de dĂ©cĂšs pour une production identique d’électricitĂ©, ici par exemple le tĂ©rawattheure est notablement infĂ©rieur Ă  celui des autres grands moyens de production de masse comme le charbon, le pĂ©trole, la biomasse et le gaz naturel.”

Si nous sommes tous prĂ©occupĂ©s par les effets du changement climatique, nous devons nous rendre compte que l’Ă©nergie nuclĂ©aire est la seule alternative viable qui soit sĂ»re, propre et capable de garantir la production dont nous avons besoin. Faut-il avoir un dĂ©bat sur le nuclĂ©aire ? Evidemment. Mais il faut assurer que ce dĂ©bat soit basĂ© sur les faits et sans perdre de vue l’objectif de maintenir notre qualitĂ© de vie tout en rĂ©duisant les gaz Ă  effet de serre.

Bill Wirtz est analyste de politiques publiques pour l’Agence pour le choix du consommateur (Consumer Choice Center).

Originally published here.

The BBC can’t resist speculating on the science

In this column (26 September), I pointed out that the National Trust’s new ‘Gazetteer’ of its 93 properties linked with slavery and ‘colonialism’ was not so much a scholarly documentation as ‘a charge sheet and a hit list’. Once the organisation entrusted with the care of a building denigrates that building’s most famous occupants, logic suggests it will care for the building less well than for that of an occupant it admires. This logic is already starting to work through. The National Trust owns Thomas Carlyle’s house in Chelsea, but now it has closed it ‘until further notice’, whereas all the other small houses of the Trust in London will reopen in March. For the first time since it was opened to the public in 1895, the place will have no live-in housekeeper. Although not stated, the reason for this downgrading would seem to be Carlyle’s racial views. When it does reopen, members are promised ‘a different visitor experience’. If you click on the Trust’s website entry for the house, you can listen to a podcast entitled ‘Think a Likkle: Lineage of Thought’ by Ellie Ikiebe, who is a New Museum School trainee at the National Trust. She appears not to have visited 24 Cheyne Row until making the podcast, but she knows what she wants to do with Carlyle. ‘If we truly acknowledged the lineage of thought, popular society would see the links between colonialism, white supremacy to the injustice of Breonna Taylor death and the black lives matter movement’, she says. She is ‘shifting the narrative to under-represented histories’. The ‘hidden history’ here is that Carlyle was a racist. His ‘lineage of thought’, which she wishes people to ‘break from’, is that white men dictate what we think. Two thoughts strike me. The first is that the history of Carlyle’s views has never been hidden: he has always been intensely controversial, and critics have alleged that some of his views assisted, long after his death, the development of fascist thought. The second is that a charity which publishes such a hostile piece by someone who appears not to know much about the subject is not a fit body to look after his heritage.

When Peregrine Worsthorne died last week, my mind went back to February 1986. There was great excitement at that time about the state of British newspapers. Rupert Murdoch was defeating the print unions at Wapping and the talk was of an entirely new, independent paper starting. (It did: it was called, suitably, the Independent.) At the same time, Conrad Black had finally gained complete control of the Telegraph group and was about to appoint his own editors. Owned by Australians and therefore observing from the touchline, The Spectator (which I was then editing) tried to analyse the situation mischievously. Who better to do so, I thought, than Perry Worsthorne? He was by far the Sunday Telegraph’s most famous writer at the time, and could be relied on to make trouble. When I commissioned him to write the article, Perry grinned in a slightly furtive way, and agreed. The following day — entirely without my foreknowledge or expectation — he was announced as the next editor of the Sunday Telegraph.

So the cover piece Perry produced (‘The Battle for Good Journalism’, 1 March 1986) turned into his manifesto. ‘I never thought any proprietor would make me editor’, he wrote, because editing in the era of the print union tyranny had meant an endless battle for survival, with little chance to reflect. But perhaps the happier commercial climate would allow room for ‘a writing and thinking editor’. He imagined ‘a latter-day Dr Johnson’: the paper would be ‘highly intelligent but also commonsensical, authoritative as well as readable; high-principled, without being in the least moralistic
 There would be plenty of idiosyncratic opinion and shafts of dazzling originality.’ To a remarkable degree, Perry the editor achieved his aim, though I would take out the word ‘commonsensical’, which he rarely was, and add the word ‘fearless’, which he was all the time. His experiment ended prematurely, due to managerial anxieties, but it was splendid and gallant while it lasted. In his final years (he died aged 96), bedridden and almost completely lost to the world, beautifully looked after by his wife Lucy, who kept telling him (it was the truth) how handsome he was, Perry retained his dandified courage.

Last week, this September was pronounced the hottest ever worldwide. Seeking, as ever, to dramatise the story, the BBC reporter Roger Harrabin ended thus on Radio 4 News: ‘Scientists warn these extremes are happening with just one degree of heating globally, when under the current projected rate of carbon emissions, we’re heading towards three degrees.’ His sentence raised more questions than it answered. Which scientists? One degree of heating over what period? Who is responsible for the currently projected rate of carbon emissions he cites? When will their projected rise of three degrees be reached? And how do we know that the September ‘extremes’ he described — wildfires in California, half a metre of rain falling in a day in France — were caused by the one degree warming he mentioned? That single sentence was a neat encapsulation of the Harrabin method — moving deftly from probable fact (the September global figure) to imagined trend, to full-scale, undated catastrophe. The Reverend Mr Harrabin is always preaching that the end is nigh, but it is more than his job’s worth to say when.

Sensing when it began that Covid-19 would deprive people of many small pleasures and freedoms, I kept one or two things which would remind me of them, on a multum in parvo principle. I have a press release from the senior policy analyst at the Consumer Choice Center, an ‘advocacy group’, issued in mid-March. Its headline is ‘Greece banning snuff in times of emergency is undemocratic and cruel’. Hear! Hear! Sadly, even more undemocratic and cruel things have happened since then.

Originally published here.

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